Archive for November, 2006

“Truth serum” for interrogations?

An article in the Washington Post reminds us that the desire for total control knows no bounds. It seems the government is seeking to harness new work in psychopharmacology to create the fantasized “truth serum.” Mind control, in its various forms, has long been a dream of those in power. Guantanamo, after all, is largely a laboratory for developing mind control techniques. No one in their right mind seriously believes that anyone imprisoned there for almost five years still has any valuable intelligence information left to give. But attempts to create the total environment for control are endless, and the total environment, subject to absolutely no legal constraints, is just the place to do it.

Question. Are efforts to develop “truth serums” being used there? After all, Jose Padilla’s lawyers claim that Padilla was drugged during his years of imprisonment. In an environment of illegality, such as Guantanamo, with no outside oversight,virtually anything is posible. Some day, the history of that evil place will be written. Until then, we can only speculate.

Add comment November 20th, 2006

Updated Death Squad video link

Many readers have come here looking for the British Channel 4 TV special on the Iraqi death squads linked to the government. The original poster of that video moved it yesterday, but his new link did not work. Here is another link to the same piece. [I have also replaced the link in the original post.]:

1 comment November 20th, 2006

Bush administration abolishes hunger, for real

Revere at Effect Measure informs us that hunger no longer exists in the United States, thanks to the USDA. It seems that the Bush administration, loving science as it does, has decided that “hunger” is too imprecise a term to be used used. They thus replaced it with “very low food security” [presumably soon to be "VLFS" in research grants and papers].

“Mark Nord, the lead author of the report, said “hungry” is ‘not a scientifically accurate term for the specific phenomenon being measured in the food security survey.’ Nord, a USDA sociologist, said, ‘We don’t have a measure of that condition….’

Among several recommendations, the panel suggested that the USDA scrap the word hunger, which ’should refer to a potential consequence of food insecurity that, because of prolonged, involuntary lack of food, results in discomfort, illness, weakness, or pain that goes beyond the usual uneasy sensation.’

To measure hunger, the USDA determined, the government would have to ask individual people whether ‘lack of eating led to these more severe conditions,’ as opposed to asking who can afford to keep food in the house, Nord said.” [from the Washington Post]

What next? Will they define indefinite imprisonment without trial as “freedom,” war as “peace,” religion as science,”? Oh yeah, they already did that.

Add comment November 20th, 2006

UCLA defends Tasering student

“Every society gets the torturers it deserves!”

Under pressure, UCLA has reluctantly ordered an “outside investigation” of the wanton abuse of an Iranian-American student who was needlessly repeatedly Tasered in the campus library.

As an indication that the administration considers Tasering to be acceptable routine treatment for students, “The acting chancellor expressed confidence in and respect for the UCLA police” while the abusing officers were not even put on administrative leave. Presumably they want to keep the bullies around in case their needed against other protesting students.

Of course, the main target of protests should be those sadists who authorized the purchase of such brutal torture devices for a campus police force! No one involved in such a decision has any business being in the administration of any “educational” institution.

It is not surprising that a society that just recently legalized torture for anyone of the President’s choice would extend the privilege to lesser officials. It used to be that students were partially exempt from the most brutal manifestations of a brutal system. Only the underclass was routinely treated with such brutality. When four students were murdered at Kent State, over a million students went on a national strike. Now torture of a student, simply for not showing an ID, raises only a tiny stir. The brutality of a society corrodes all within.

UPDATE:

Here are pictures of the Friday protest at UCLA. Hopefully protests will grow until the administration that justifies abuse is forced out.

Add comment November 18th, 2006

Show trials, USA

A new report on the Guantanamo Military Commissions clarifies what “justice” now means for the United States. Remember, those classified as enemy combatants can be locked away for life:

The U.S. military called no witnesses, withheld evidence from detainees and usually reached a decision within a day as it determined that hundreds of men detained at Guantanamo Bay were “enemy combatants,” according to a new report.

The analysis of transcripts and records by two lawyers for Guantanamo detainees, aided by more than two dozen law students, found that hearings that determined whether a prisoner should remain in custody gave the accused little opportunity to contest allegations against him.

“These were not hearings. These were shams,” said Mark Denbeaux, an attorney and Seton Hall University law professor who along with his son, Joshua, is the author of the report. They provided an advance copy of the report to The Associated Press late Thursday and planned to release it Friday on the Internet….

The military held Combatant Status Review Tribunals for 558 detainees at the U.S. Naval Base at Guantanamo Bay in southeast Cuba between July 2004 and January 2005 and found all but 38 were enemy combatants. Handcuffed detainees appeared before a panel of three officers with no defense attorney, only a military “personal representative.”

According to the report, the representatives said nothing in the hearings 14 percent of the time and made no “substantive” comments in 30 percent. In some cases, the representative even appeared to advocate the government’s position, the report said.

The report is based on transcripts of tribunals that the government first released earlier this year in response to a Freedom of Information Act lawsuit filed by The Associated Press as well additional records provided by lawyers for 102 Guantanamo detainees.

Twenty-one first-year law students at Seton Hall University in Newark, N.J., analyzed the documents to create a database analyzed by eight second- and third-year students.

Among their findings:

* The government did not produce any witnesses in any hearing.
* The military denied all detainee requests to inspect the classified evidence against them.
* The military refused all requests for defense witnesses who were not detained at Guantanamo.
* In 74 percent of the cases, the government denied requests to call witnesses who were detained at the prison.
* In 91 percent of the hearings, the detainees did not present any evidence.
* In three cases, the panel found that the detainee was “no longer an enemy combatant,” but the military convened new tribunals that later found them to be enemy combatants.

“No American would ever consider this to be hearing,” Denbeaux said. “This is a show trial.”

Add comment November 17th, 2006

Robert Jensen: The consequences of the death of empathy

A new commentary from Robert Jensen, journalism professor at the University of Texas at Austin and board member of the Third Coast Activist Resource Center:

The consequences of the death of empathy
November 16, 2006

By Robert Jensen

One of the most devastating consequences of unearned privilege — both for those of us on top and, for very different reasons, those who suffer beneath — is the death of empathy.

Too many people with privileges of various kinds — based on race or gender, economic status or citizenship in a powerful country — go to great lengths not to know, to stay unaware of the reality of how so many live without our privilege. But even when we do learn, it’s clear that information alone doesn’t always lead to the needed political action. For that, we desperately need empathy, the capacity to understand the experiences — especially the suffering — of others. Too often in this country, privilege undermines that capacity for empathy, limiting the possibilities for solidarity. Two examples from my recent experience brought this home for me.

“Pity” party

At a Washington, DC, organizing conference on Palestine, a group of dedicated activists and academics gathered to take stock of the failure of the Oslo accords and think creatively about new directions to guarantee democracy and human rights for everyone in Israel and Palestine. Along with analysis of Israel’s continuing illegal occupation of the Palestinian territories, the participants talked about missteps in the Palestinian resistance movements as well. Such critical self-reflection is crucial if past mistakes are to be avoided in the future struggle for justice.

At the end of a tiring but productive day, a white male student from a nearby college rose during the discussion period to ask a question. He said that in his class they were being encouraged to be critical of mainstream media and the conventional wisdom, and that he wanted to practice such critical thinking skills in this context, too. He challenged the panel to come up with concrete solutions, saying smugly that it seemed the conference so far had been nothing more than a “Palestinian pity party.”

Responding to the not-so-subtle racism and nationalism in such comments is always tricky, but as the only white, U.S.-born person on the panel I thought I shouldn’t leave it to others to call the student on his ugly display of privilege.

The problem with privilege, I said, is that it so often leads to incredible arrogance, the belief that one has a right to blurt out in public anything on one’s mind, no matter how uninformed or thoughtless. I pointed out to the young man that he seemed to have missed how much of the day had been devoted to careful analysis without a hint of self-pity. Perhaps his question had something to do with seeing the issue from the comfortable position of someone safe in the United States with no direct experience of the struggle and suffering of people in Palestine.

At that point, Diana Buttu, a Palestinian-Canadian lawyer now living in the West Bank, stepped in and explained what life is like in the territories. Switching gears from the legal/political analysis she had offered earlier, Buttu described the daily reality of negotiating checkpoints and Jewish-only roads just to be able to travel a few miles for work or to see friends and relatives.

She described the grinding poverty of the territories, where at least half of the population is below the official poverty line. Her comments made it clear that this wasn’t about self-pity but about a deeply felt concern about injustices being perpetrated and the real effects on real people. Buttu, who pointed out that she didn’t suffer as much as others in the territories because she travels with a Canadian passport, modeled — rather than preached — empathy, and the effect was powerful. She was able to recognize that the student was young and ignorant, and that the moment called for a correction of that ignorance but with some compassion for him.

“Sex” party

In a presentation on the feminist critique of pornography at a college, I described some of the routine body-punishing types of sex that are common, especially in the genre known as “gonzo,” the most harsh and overtly cruel type of sexually explicit material. A young man from the audience waited until the rest of the folks who had questions were gone and then approached me cautiously, saying he wanted to challenge some claims I had made.

The student said that he watched gonzo pornography regularly and thought I had distorted the reality of such material. None of what he watched, he said, sounded like what I had described. “The stuff I like — it’s just movies of people who liked to party,” he told me.

I asked him to tell me more about what he watched. As he talked, it became clear he was describing exactly the kind of material I had discussed, and I could see the realization emerge in him: My assessment of the rough and degrading nature of that pornography was accurate, and he had simply never recognized it. When he mentioned a type of sex he liked to watch in pornography called a DP — double penetration, in which a woman is penetrated vaginally and anally at the same time — it really started to dawn on him: In these scenes, the sex was defined by men’s sense of control over, and domination of, women.

I pressed a bit more. What kind of things did the men call the woman during this sex? I asked. As he started to reproduce some of the terms — all names meant to demean and insult women — it became impossible for him to avoid the conclusion that the pornography he had been consuming is not just sex, but sex in which men act out contempt for women.

At that point, he stammered, “But I don’t hate women. I love women. I wouldn’t use pornography like that.”

That contradiction wasn’t going to be worked out in the moment. Instead, I told the student that I wasn’t arguing that he hated women but was simply pointing out he had been getting sexual pleasure from pornography that expressed hatred for women. Why had that misogyny been invisible to him? Why had he been unable to see what was happening on the screen and imagine how women might feel about such degrading treatment?

The answer is simple enough: The privileges that come with being a man in patriarchy had undermined his capacity to empathize, allowing the sexual pleasure he felt to override his humanity and making it difficult for him to put himself in the place of a woman experiencing overtly cruel and degrading treatment.

Privilege and the empathy deficit

The student at the Palestine conference lives in a country in which he has never had to pass through a checkpoint or justify himself to authorities simply because of the color of his skin, ethnicity, or citizenship. The student at my pornography presentation lives in a society in which he has never had to fear he would be the target of degrading and potentially violent sexual behavior simply because of his gender. Both had learned to think of themselves and their experience as the norm, against which the behavior of others should be judged.

How can I be so sure of that claim? Because it’s the way I was raised as a white man of European heritage with U.S. citizenship. Comfortable in my privilege, I spent much of my life wondering why so many other people who didn’t look like me complained so much. I understood there was inequality and injustice in the world, but life seemed reasonably fair to me. After all, my hard work seemed to be rewarded, which suggested to me that those not so well off should just work a little harder and stop whining.

Looking back, I can see that even though I don’t come from the wealthy sector of society, the unearned privileges that I enjoyed had diminished my capacity for empathy. I had access to lots of information, but I was emotionally underdeveloped. I could know things, but at the same time not feel the consequences of that knowledge. That meant I could avoid the difficult conclusion that would have come from a deeper knowing and feeling — that the inequality and injustice in the world was benefiting me at some level, and therefore I had a heightened obligation to confront it.

As I became politicized later in my life, I realized I not only had to learn more about the world but also had to fight to reclaim an ability to empathize. For me, that process started at the intimate level, by recognizing the misogyny and racism in the pornography I had grown up with. From there, it moved to the global, by recognizing the poverty and violence suffered by the targets of U.S. power.

The struggle to know and to feel is never-ending, because my privilege continues. The way in which privilege insulates us can’t simply be renounced and then easily transcended. For me, it takes continual effort, marked by moments of real connection with others that deepen my sense of life, as well as continued failures to empathize deeply enough that remind me of the need for humility. It is part of the endless struggle to be human in a world saturated with so much suffering.

Organizing lessons

There are two lessons in this for left/progressive political organizing.

The first involves outreach. Everyone is aware that accurate facts and a compelling logical argument are not enough to carry the day politically. But that doesn’t mean quick-hitting emotional appeals based on fear or pity are the answer. We need not simply to use emotion, but to develop collectively a deeper capacity for empathy. That alone doesn’t guarantee political victory, but it’s hard to imagine much progress without it.

Second, for those of us with unearned privilege, as we focus on outreach we have to remember to reach in as well. Privilege is insidious, and it works on us even when we think we have moved past it. When we see the ugliest expressions of that privilege in others, it’s tempting to want to distance ourselves from them, to label them as the problem and see ourselves as part of the solution. But to be effective organizers, we have to be able to practice empathy in all directions.

Looking back at the two examples, I can see that with the young man struggling with his pornography use, I had been able to connect. He was taking his first steps out of his own isolation and illusions about what kind of “party” goes on in pornography, and as my conversation with him ended I told him that I understood how difficult it can be. I gave him my card and encouraged him to contact me if I could help.

I was less successful with the student at the Palestine conference. It was appropriate to be blunt in my comments, not only to try to change him but to mark to the others in the room just how inappropriate his “pity party” remark had been. But I wanted to follow up with him after the event, to tell him that while I strongly disagreed with his comments, there was a way in which I felt he and I were part of the same struggle.

Unfortunately, the young man slipped out during the last panel and didn’t return. Maybe he had another engagement to get to, or perhaps he wanted to avoid the possibility of another confrontation. Maybe he rejected what he heard, or perhaps he went off to be alone and ponder.

Whatever his choice, I continue to ponder, to struggle, to be frustrated with the limits of others and with my own failures. And I continue to plod forward.

It is in our plodding, I believe, that we can find hope for the future. We don’t have to be perfect. We just have to keep trying to connect in a world that gives us many ways to disconnect if we choose.

Each day we struggle to empathize, we hold onto our humanity. Each day we stay connected — to ourselves and each other — is another plodding step forward.

Robert Jensen is a journalism professor at the University of Texas at Austin and board member of the Third Coast Activist Resource Center. He is the author of The Heart of Whiteness: Race, Racism, and White Privilege and Citizens of the Empire: The Struggle to Claim Our Humanity (both from City Lights Books). He can be reached at rjensen@uts.cc.utexas.edu .

1 comment November 16th, 2006

Arrest warrant for top Sunni cleric

as if in sync with other comments about a potential US tilt toward the Sunnis, the Iraqi Interior today ordered the arrest of the most prominent Sunni cleric, Harith al-Dari, head of the Muslim Clerics Association. this move is a direct “F-U to the Sunni community and suggests that the Shia-led government has either given up on or is not interested in achieving any compromise with the Sunni community that could stave off civil war.

Regardless of what one thinks about al-Dari, he is one of the most prominent spokesmen of the Sunnis. No compromise is possible if he is arrested. Even the American occupiers realized that.

Add comment November 16th, 2006

The war comes home: Taser torture at UCLA library

A new incident at UCLA illustrates what happens when you have a society obsessed with power and authority, one in which torture is legal. The campus police at UCLA repeatedly Tasered a student because he didn’t have ID and didn’t leave immediately. They then Tasered him again and again because he wouldn’t, or couldn’t, stand up. Here is video of the incident taken on a cell phone:

NBC-4 TV in Los Angeles has another cell phone video of the incident on their web site.

More information on the abuse can be found from the Los Angeles Times, the Daily Bruin campus newspaper, and on a student Diary.

Here is a comments from one student witness:

“It was the most disgusting and vile act I had ever seen in my life,” said David Remesnitsky, a 2006 UCLA alumnus who witnessed the incident.

As the student and the officers were struggling, bystanders repeatedly asked the police officers to stop, and at one point officers told the gathered crowd to stand back and threatened to use a Taser on anyone who got too close.

You know what was being done was evil as the cops refused to identify themselves, threatening to Taser a student who demanded his badge number:

Laila Gordy, a fourth-year economics student who was present in the library during the incident, said police officers threatened to shoot her with a Taser when she asked an officer for his name and his badge number.

Gordy was visibly upset by the incident and said other students were also disturbed.

“It’s a shock that something like this can happen at UCLA,” she said. “It was unnecessary what they did.”

Please call AND email UCLA to let them know what you think of their campus police assaulting students in the library. Of course, the police should be fired. But this is not enough. That such an incident could go on in a university library says that there is something truly rotten at UCLA:
Interim Chancellor Norman Abrams
Telephone: 310-825-2151
Fax: 310-206-6030
Email: chancellor@conet.ucla.edu

[Thanks to AmericaBlog for this information, and for the link to the YouTube video.]

A society that seeks to dominate others around the world and that calmly condones and legalizes torture will not escape abusive tactics being used against its own citizens. Let this be a wake-up call. A country that turns its back of freedom for some will loose freedom for all.

Add comment November 16th, 2006

Is withdrawal coming? No way!

Tom Engelhardt at TomDispatch asks Will Daddy’s Boys Extend the War? and answers with a resounding “Yes!” Despite talk of “redeployment,” “new tactics,” “new ideas,” and the like, true withdrawal is simply not in the cards, Engelhardt argues.

Just look at the permanent military bases, still under construction. Look at the massive billion dollar American embassy, “George Bush’s Palace,” as its called by the Iraqis. Why build if the country is going to be allowed to fall into “anti-Iraqi,” aka anti-american hands. Or look at the never-ending, and little-reported, air war.

Throughout the Bush regime, Engelhardt has led coventional wisdom, often by years. The man knows what he writes about and knows how to put pieces of information together with his background knowledge to reveal the underlying patterns. So read No Exit? What It Means to “Salvage U.S. Prestige” in Iraq to disabuse yourself of any illusions that the Iraq Study Group, Robert Gates, or any of daddy’s boys will lead Shrub, or us, out of the morass.

Add comment November 16th, 2006

Report: Administration considering unleashing the Shiites

An op ed by Laura Rozen in today’s Los Angeles Times reports that the administration is considering backing the Shiites in the unfolding civil war. I guess the idea is to back the winners, helping the U.S. maintain its interests [read: oil] there, at the cost of being a direct party to the killing and ethnic cleansing of tens to hundreds of thousands more Iraqis.

Of course, the alternative of backing the Sunnis is equally horrifying and has the additional down side of backing a minority, the former elite. And the pretense of calming the civil war and bringing all sides together is a total sham, having so far resulted in the deaths of hundreds of thousands and over a million exiles.

That leaves withdrawal as the only reasonable option. Of course, there is no guarantee that withdrawal at this late date will improve the situation. But it will leave the fate of the Iraqis up to the Iraqis. They can then decide to develop a political compromise or die fighting. If, a big “if,” the U.S. was trying to prevent a civil war there, they have completely failed. Now they can either openly support a civil war or withdraw.

Here is Laura Rozen’s article:

Unleash the Shiites?
The U.S. may be forced to choose sides in Iraq’s civil strife.

By Laura Rozen,

LAURA ROZEN, a senior correspondent for the American Prospect, writes about foreign policy issues from Washington.
November 16, 2006

AS SECTARIAN violence rises in Iraq and the White House comes under increasing pressure to revamp its strategy there, a debate is emerging inside the Bush administration: Should the U.S. abandon its efforts to act as a neutral referee in the ongoing civil war and, instead, throw its lot in with the Shiites?

A U.S. tilt toward the Shiites is a risky strategy, one that could further alienate Iraq’s Sunni neighbors and that could backfire by driving its Sunni population into common cause with foreign jihadists and Al Qaeda cells. But elements of the administration, including some members of the intelligence community, believe that such a tilt could lead to stability more quickly than the current policy of trying to police the ongoing sectarian conflict evenhandedly, with little success and at great cost.

This past Veterans Day weekend, according to my sources, almost the entire Bush national security team gathered for an unpublicized two-day meeting. The topic: Iraq. The purpose of the meeting was to come up with a consensus position on a new path forward. Among those attending were President Bush, Vice President Dick Cheney, Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice, national security advisor Stephen Hadley, outgoing Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld and National Intelligence Director John Negroponte.

Numerous policy options were put forward at the meeting, which revolved around a strategy paper prepared by Hadley and drawn from his recent trip to Baghdad. One was the Shiite option. Participants were asked to consider whether the U.S. could really afford to keep fighting both the Sunni insurgency and Shiite militias — or whether it should instead focus its efforts on combating the Sunni insurgency exclusively, and even help empower the Shiites against the Sunnis.

To do so would be a reversal of Washington’s strategy over the last two years of trying to coax the Sunnis into the political process, an effort led by U.S. Ambassador to Iraq Zalmay Khalilzad. It also would discount some U.S. military commanders’ concerns that the Al Mahdi army, a Shiite militia loyal to the radical cleric Muqtada Sadr, poses as great a threat to American interests as that presented by the Sunni insurgency centered in western Iraq’s Al Anbar province.

So what’s the logic behind the idea of “unleashing the Shiites”? It’s the path of least resistance, according to its supporters, and it could help accelerate one side actually winning Iraq’s sectarian conflict, thereby shortening the conflict, while reducing some of the critical security concerns driving Shiites to mobilize their own militias in the first place.

“As an alternative Plan B, it has the virtue of possibly being more militarily effective,” said Thomas Donnelly, a military expert at the Center for Strategic and International Studies.

“When you are trying to police [a civil war], all you can do is contain it,” said Monica Toft, a professor specializing in ethnic conflict at Harvard University’s John F. Kennedy School of Government. “Whereas if you’re backing one side, there are not as many variables to control.”

But such a strategy brings with it significant dangers. Washington might pick the wrong leaders on the side it chooses to back. Should it, for instance, continue to back Iraq’s Shiite prime minister, Nouri Maliki, or tilt in favor of his Shiite rival, Abdelaziz Hakim, and his party, the Supreme Council for Islamic Revolution in Iraq? Either choice could lead to more intra-Shiite infighting and violence.

Or the strategy could drive Iraq’s Sunni tribes to align themselves more closely with Al Qaeda. And it seems certain to further alienate Iraq’s Sunni neighbors and erstwhile U.S. allies such as Saudi Arabia, Turkey and Jordan — while strengthening Iran’s hand in Iraq.

Among the risks of an unleash-the-Shiites strategy is that if it were adopted, the White House would be unlikely to publicly acknowledge that such a choice had been made. Like so much else that has contributed to the U.S. difficulties in Iraq, it would be a decision taken in the dark, outside the realm of public debate.

After rereading the article, I feel an increased sense of urgency to push for U.S. withdrawal, late as it is for this best the the awful options. Any pretense that the U.S. is a force to avoid civil war should be immediately abandoned.

Add comment November 16th, 2006

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