Archive for July, 2007

Valtin: Fact Sheet: Psychologist Participation in Torture

Blogger Valtin, on Daily Kos, Never In Our Names, and his own Invictus, details the evidence that psychologists are involved in US torture. Here is the introduction:

Fact Sheet: Psychologist Participation in Torture

Psychologists organized into “Psychologists for an Ethical APA” plan to meet at the August convention of the American Psychological Association with education, protests, and political pressure. The protest will be at noon, August 18 at the Moscone Convention Center in San Francisco, and will feature a number of prominent speakers from the psychology community. The aim of the protest is to support the proposed moratorium within APA to stop psychologist participation in national security and military interrogations associated with torture and abuse.

Opposition to stopping such collaboration often centers around claims that there is no documented evidence of psychologist participation in torture or abusive methods. The following brief fact sheet addresses such claims. I will follow with a more comprehensive essay on the subject in the near future.

This fact sheet documents the activities of a number of military psychologists in planning and participation in actions that can only be called torture. Names are not usually available, due to redaction in classified records. In such cases, we can only say that a psychologist is specifically named as a party to a particular activity.

He goes on to discuss the following “cases”:

Case No. 1 – Major John Leso and the Interrogation of Mohammed al-Qahtani

Case No. 2 – Psychologist at the Secret Prison Interrogation of Marwan Jabour

Case No. 3 – Psychologist Participation in the Interrogation of a German Citizen Kidnapped by the CIA

Case No. 4 – Psychologist Present During Abusive Use of Military Dogs

Case No. 5 – Sharing of Confidential Psychologist Evaluations of Prisoners

Case No. 6 – Military Psychologists Transfer SERE-POW Training for Use in Abusive Interrogations

Case No. 7 – SERE Psychologist Pushes “Harsher Methods” in Interrogation

Learn about these cases by reading the entire Fact Sheet.

Add comment July 7th, 2007

An interview with Steven Miles

Bioethicist Steven Milesis featured in the University of Minnesota alumni magazine [Taking on Torture]. A few excerpts:

“Early on, I would wake up in Abu Ghraib,” says Steven Miles (M.D. ’76), describing the toll his most recent research project took on him. “That was not a pleasant place to wake up in.” After seeing the leaked photographs of abused prisoners at the Abu Ghraib prison in Iraq in May 2004, Miles, a professor in the Medical School and the Center for Bioethics at the University of Minnesota and an attending physician at the University of Minnesota Medical Center, Fairview, wanted to know where the prison doctors were while these abuses were taking place. So he began to dig, reading through tens of thousands of pages of declassified government documents obtained by the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) and posted on its site.

“I’m not a professional historian,” Miles says. “I’m a doc, and so I have a special kind of expertise like, for example, the ability to read death certificates that a historian doesn’t have.” What he uncovered was extensive evidence that medical professionals in the prisons in Iraq and Afghanistan and at Guantanamo Bay were often participants in abusive interrogations, concealing and enabling torture and issuing fake death certificates. He read accounts of sodomy, pulpified legs, deaths by asphyxia and beatings, and doctors examining torture victims and then medically discharging them back to the guards who tortured them….

What kinds of changes do you want to see? We have to harmonize the AMA’s policies and the other medical associations’ policies with international law. That is, it’s no longer enough for the medical associations to say, “We oppose medical participation in torture.” The medical associations must say, “We stand by the Geneva Conventions, and, furthermore, we stand by the legal accountability of health professionals to the Geneva Conventions.” We can’t just say that these documents are moral aspirations. We have to insist that they are accountable, legal, and professional obligations….

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Taking on Torture

MN-July-cover1
Steven Miles, photo by Mark Luinenburg

By Shelly Fling“Am I naïve in believing that medicine is still a noble profession, upholding the highest ethical principles? For the ill, doctors still stand for life. And for us all, hope.”

—Holocaust survivor Elie Wiesel, writing on prison medicine in Iraq in the New England Journal of Medicine in 2005.

“Early on, I would wake up in Abu Ghraib,” says Steven Miles (M.D. ’76), describing the toll his most recent research project took on him. “That was not a pleasant place to wake up in.” After seeing the leaked photographs of abused prisoners at the Abu Ghraib prison in Iraq in May 2004, Miles, a professor in the Medical School and the Center for Bioethics at the University of Minnesota and an attending physician at the University of Minnesota Medical Center, Fairview, wanted to know where the prison doctors were while these abuses were taking place. So he began to dig, reading through tens of thousands of pages of declassified government documents obtained by the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) and posted on its site.

“I’m not a professional historian,” Miles says. “I’m a doc, and so I have a special kind of expertise like, for example, the ability to read death certificates that a historian doesn’t have.” What he uncovered was extensive evidence that medical professionals in the prisons in Iraq and Afghanistan and at Guantanamo Bay were often participants in abusive interrogations, concealing and enabling torture and issuing fake death certificates. He read accounts of sodomy, pulpified legs, deaths by asphyxia and beatings, and doctors examining torture victims and then medically discharging them back to the guards who tortured them.

“This is easily the saddest and most disappointing academic project I’ve ever done,” Miles says. “Not just because docs were involved, but also because this is not a U.S. military that I recognize and it’s also not U.S. intelligence services that I recognize. I’ve had experience with both, and this is just outside of our history.”

Much of what Miles read—about the abuse of women prisoners and of children, the pouring and igniting of lighter fluid on the backs of prisoners’ hands, and other atrocities—he set aside if he didn’t find evidence of a medical professional involved. That material was not included in his article on medical complicity in torture, published in the British medical journal The Lancet in 2004, that received worldwide attention or in his subsequent book, Oath Betrayed: Torture, Medical Complicity, and the War on Terror, published by Random House in 2006. This past spring, with a grant from the University’s Office of Public Engagement, Miles organized, indexed, and cross-linked the material he used in his research—an estimated 60,000 pages of documents, including documents pertaining to the deaths of 160 prisoners—into an online archive on the Human Rights Library site at the University (it may be accessed through www.umn.edu/humanrts).

Miles says he’ll continue to add to the archive as documents are declassified, including approximately 500 recently released pages about the mental health of the guards at Abu Ghraib. But his job is otherwise complete, and he says he’s searching for his next project—something else around “the idea of engaging medical ethics in a broader social debate.” His past research has addressed—and often helped shape policy around—end-of-life care, reducing bed-rail accidents in nursing homes, universal health care, and the treatment of victims of AIDS in Africa and of refugees in camps.

Whether Miles’s work leads to new anti-torture policies and regulations by medical associations and licensing boards is yet to be seen. Meantime, he points to the lasting value of the sort of archive he has created—one that is a model for transparency and accountability in government.

What follows are Miles’s characteristically frank answers to questions about his research.

Are prisoners in U.S. custody being tortured right now? One of the problems is that we’re working with a telescope that goes out two light years; that’s how long it takes to declassify materials. I think that the situation in Guantanamo may be better from the standpoint of physical abuse, although there are still substantial abuses of due process at Guantanamo—habeas corpus, fair trials, arbitrary detention, and so forth. But I think that the question of physical abuse in Afghanistan and Iraq remain a huge issue, although it’s impossible to quantitate because of the way the Freedom of Information Act works [including that obtaining information from agencies close to national security, such as the CIA, can be impossible].

Is torture ever justified if it could save lives? Every time a nation has decided that torture can be justified, it’s wound up misusing it. They’ve taken a singular case and they’ve gone to a general practice. So I don’t think that the technology of torture works. It doesn’t produce reliable information. It can’t be targeted just to people who would pop that information. And we don’t have a way of using that information in real time. And so I’d answer the question no.

What do you hope for this archive—how it will be used, what it might forward? I know it’s currently being used by human rights groups and by major media. The ACLU deserves great credit for putting this stuff up, but it’s largely categorized by the date that they were able to post it. And so by organizing it, indexing this material, it made it more accessible for other people to do research. So, my hope is that this will be used to that end, and, in fact, the work so far has resulted in changes to the policies of the World Medical Association, the AMA [American Medical Association], the Royal College of Psychiatrists, the American Psychiatric Association, the American Psychological Association—and it’s changed at least three Defense Department policies. So it is having an impact, but I think we’re still at a relatively early stage in terms of getting the final impact from this whole episode of treatment of prisoners.

What kinds of changes do you want to see? We have to harmonize the AMA’s policies and the other medical associations’ policies with international law. That is, it’s no longer enough for the medical associations to say, “We oppose medical participation in torture.” The medical associations must say, “We stand by the Geneva Conventions, and, furthermore, we stand by the legal accountability of health professionals to the Geneva Conventions.” We can’t just say that these documents are moral aspirations. We have to insist that they are accountable, legal, and professional obligations.

What was the AMA’s reaction to the allegations of medical complicity in the torture? The AMA initially, right after the Abu Ghraib pictures came out, turned down an invitation by the British Medical Association to call for an independent investigation. The AMA did strengthen its anti-interrogational abuse policy a click, but they have not called for an independent investigation. They took an extremely low-profile position with regard to the McCain Amendment [of 2006, prohibiting the inhumane treatment of prisoners]. And although the JAMA [Journal of the American Medical Association] is separate from the AMA because of an editorial firewall between the two, JAMA [as of mid-June] has not editorialized on this issue at all. So, I think the AMA’s position has been one of silence.

You’ve spoken to some medical professionals in the prisons. Did they talk about the pressure they were under to participate in abusive interrogations? There was pressure. And some of the pressure can be seen in the documents as well. But what I don’t see in the documents or in their personal stories is the type of pressure that is brought to bear against health professionals who protest torture in countries like Chile or Uruguay or the Soviet Union or Turkey, and risk being disappeared or tortured or killed or having their family members killed for that resistance. The pressure that was brought to bear was peer pressure, in some cases the threat of a transfer. But when I look at my colleagues in other torturing countries, I see them taking absolutely heroic and in some cases suicidal risks to protest torture. So I don’t accept—I simply do not accept—the notion that the pressure was of a degree that should have caused them to be silent or complicit….Would you knowingly go to a doctor as your personal physician who’d been complicit in torture? I remember a wonderful teacher I once had who had been an S.S. officer. He teaches at a local college. His insights into how he wound up becoming an S.S. officer and the historical warnings that he gave his students, and, indeed, the academic community at large, were really important. So, I guess I wouldn’t want to go to a physician who practiced torture who didn’t take from it some kind of wisdom about why that was such a terrible idea and have a willingness to share about how to avoid taking that path.

Do you think that complicity by medical professionals makes torture worse? Yes, I do, in a couple respects. Jacobo Timmerman, who was a prisoner in the Argentine junta, described it this way: The doctor’s “presence was terrible because he was the symbol that a scientific instrument is with you when you are tortured by the beasts.” When you look at torture victims, around 60 percent say they’ve seen medical professionals supervising it, and that doesn’t include the ones who are buried with a fake death certificate. I think it makes it worse in terms of its demoralizing impact on the person undergoing torture, but also because it winds up roping in a larger medical community on behalf of a torturing society….
And, perhaps most relevant to myself and my colleagues who have been fighting to change American Psychological Association policies for quite a while:

How did you read the torture documents day after day without losing your sanity? I went down to the Dakota Jazz Club in Minneapolis a fair amount, which was a very good thing to do. I actually learned a lot about jazz during this project, which had a major saving effect. And I don’t think that’s entirely coincidental, because since so much jazz is related to the African American experience, which is an experience of torture, I think there is an interesting redemptive theme to jazz. But this material is toxic. Robert Jay Lifton, who wrote on the Nazi doctors, said the same thing when I was talking to him about this. It’s not something people should work with for a long period of time. It’s not just taboo material, it’s material that will transform you into a nonhealthy state. So part of putting up the archive was to turn the process over to others.

Add comment July 6th, 2007

Physicians for Human Rights opposes torture lawyer Rizzo for CIA Councel

Physicians for Human Rights has come out in opposition to the confirmation of John A. Rizzo for CIA General Counsel. Rizzo played a role in the justification of the CIA’s psychological torture regime and refused to distance himself from those practices during his confirmation hearing. [For a view of what Rizzo supports, see Life in a CIA torture center. For insights into the central role of psychologists in creating the CIA's torture regime, see The CIA's Torture Teachers]:

July 5, 2007

For Immediate Release

Contact: Nathaniel Raymond, 617.413.6407 (cell); 617.301.4232 (office)

nraymond@phrusa.org; www.physiciansforhumanrights.org

Physicians for Human Rights Opposes Bush Nominee for CIA General Counsel; Urges Senate to Reject Nomination

Physicians for Human Rights (PHR) today announced its opposition to President Bush’s nominee for CIA General Counsel, John A. Rizzo, currently serving as acting CIA General Counsel.

As both Deputy General Counsel and as the acting CIA General Counsel, Rizzo has been at the epicenter of the Administration’s legal efforts to justify the use of techniques by the CIA, which are widely believed to constitute torture. Based on the record of his tenure as acting CIA General Counsel, and on statements he made at his open nomination hearing on June 19, 2007, PHR’s board has taken the extraordinary step of voting to formally oppose Rizzo’s nomination, urging the Senate Select Intelligence Committee to vote against his pending confirmation.

“If the US Congress is serious about ending the abuse of detainees and restoring the rule of law, it should not confirm an official deeply implicated in the process that led to the abuses,” stated Leonard S. Rubenstein, Executive Director of PHR. “Voting down Rizzo’s nomination will send a strong message that this Congress is serious about ending the use of torture.”

John A. Rizzo has served without Senate confirmation as the acting CIA General Counsel, the agency’s top legal advisor, during most of the period since September 11, 2001. During this time, the CIA has been criticized by PHR, other human rights groups, and the international community for detention and interrogation practices which constitute torture and violate US and international law.

“While we do not yet know all the facts surrounding the development of the CIA’s abusive interrogation policies and Rizzo’s role in developing them, we do know that he was given a clear opportunity to repudiate those policies at his hearing and failed to do so,” stated Rubenstein. “An official who condones torture should not hold a leadership position in the US government.”

In statements made to Congress, Rizzo continues to consider CIA interrogation practices “humane” and still finds no reason to object to the extreme definition of torture contained in a critical Justice Department memorandum.

Summary of Rizzo’s Record

In the summer of 2002, then White House Legal Counsel Alberto Gonzales solicited a legal opinion from the Justice Department regarding the use of torture. That memo asserted the President’s right to order the torture of detainees, a position that violates domestic law and US treaty obligations under the Convention Against Torture and other international agreements.

The 2002 Justice Department opinion, drafted by then Assistant Attorney General Jay Bybee, defined torture so narrowly as to exclude all but treatment “equivalent in intensity to the pain accompanying serious physical injury, such as organ failure, impairment of bodily function, or even death.” This definition opened the door to the authorized use of a wide range of techniques that have long been considered methods of torture. The Bybee memo also asserts that the President, as Commander in Chief, can ignore laws that have been enacted by Congress and authorize U.S officials to engage in torture. When the memo was subsequently leaked in 2004, it was repudiated by the Justice Department following public outcry.

At his June 19 hearing, Rizzo acknowledged that he reviewed the 2002 Bybee memo that created an extreme definition of what constitutes torture. There is no indication that Rizzo objected to the analysis or the conclusion at the time. When asked during the hearing if he now believes he should have objected to the Bybee memo when he reviewed it, Rizzo answered, “I honestly can’t say I should have objected at the time.” He added that he found the memo “reasonable” although he was willing to concede that it was “overbroad for the issue that it was intended to cover.”

Within the CIA, Inspector General John Helgerson reportedly concluded in a 2004 report that CIA interrogation techniques “appeared to constitute cruel, inhuman, and degrading treatment” prohibited under international law. According to press accounts citing senior intelligence officials, the Inspector General’s findings were “vigorously disputed by the agency’s General Counsel.”

During Rizzo’s confirmation hearing, Senator Carl Levin asked Rizzo whether he thought in 2002 that the CIA’s interrogation regime was “humane.” Rizzo replied that “We believed then, and we believe throughout the process, that the CIA (interrogation) program as it was conceived …was conducted in a humane manner.” It is now clear from press reports that what Rizzo considers the CIA’s “humane” interrogation program, conducted in conformity with legal guidance coming from his office, has included authorizing interrogators to employ the following tactics: forcing detainees to stand for up to 40 hours; holding detainees naked in cells chilled to 50 degrees and then dousing them with cold water; and to simulate the experience of drowing. While maintaining that such practices are humane, Rizzo conceded that “there had been some concerns that were expressed” by CIA interrogators who feared prosecution for carrying out the authorized interrogations.

Senator Dianne Feinstein asked Rizzo if, in his opinion, the Geneva Convention’s Common Article 3, designed to protect combatants from “outrages upon personal dignity, in particular humiliating and degrading treatment,” applied to the fourteen “high-value detainees” transferred from CIA custody to Guantanamo Bay last year. Those detainees include 9/11 mastermind Khalid Sheikh Mohammed and other high level al-Qaeda operatives.

Rizzo first said that “Common Article 3 was certainly applied to the fourteen” — but later clarified his statement to say that it was only after the Supreme Court ruled in Hamdan v. Rumsfeld in July 2006 that Common Article 3 applies to al-Qaeda that its standards were applied. “I can’t tell you, before the Hamdan decision, that those standards were applied to enemy combatants before then,” Rizzo said.

When asked by Senator Levin if the U.S. has rendered suspects to countries known to practice torture, Rizzo said that he could not answer the question in open session. Levin persisted, saying he was not asking for names of countries but just a general answer. Rizzo still refused to answer in open session, leaving a clear implication that the answer was “yes.”

PHR’s Policy

As a non-partisan organization focused exclusively on the protection of human rights, PHR typically neither supports nor opposes nominees for office but instead demands that they uphold human rights and holds them accountable for their actions. But PHR’s mission to advance human rights may require it to oppose the appointment of someone to a position under certain limited circumstances: When the person’s record is “so inimical to human rights that there is a strong likelihood that his or her appointment would seriously undermine human rights standards or practice in the United States or abroad.”

Add comment July 5th, 2007

Men talk as much as women

Men talk less than women. This has become a common piece of folklore. Women utter almost three times as many words as men do, several textbooks tell us. A new study actually counts the words uttered by college men and women and finds a trivial, not statistically significant, difference. Time reports on the study, published in Science [subscribers only]:

Study: Women Don’t Talk More Than Guys
Thursday, Jul. 05, 2007
By AP/RANDOLPH E. SCHMID

Another stereotype — chatty gals and taciturn guys — bites the dust. Turns out, when you actually count the words, there isn’t much difference between the sexes when it comes to talking.

A team led by Matthias R. Mehl, an assistant professor of psychology at the University of Arizona, came up with the finding, which is published in Friday’s issue of the journal Science. The researchers placed microphones on 396 college students for periods ranging from two to 10 days, sampled their conversations and calculated how many words they used in the course of a day.

The score: Women, 16,215. Men, 15,669.

The difference: 546 words: “Not statistically significant,” say the researchers.

“What’s a 500-word difference, compared with the 45,000-word difference between the most and the least talkative persons” in the study, said Mehl.

Co-author James W. Pennebaker, chairman of the psychology department at the University of Texas, said the researchers collected the recordings as part of a larger project to understand how people are affected when they talk about emotional experiences. They were surprised when a magazine article asserted that women use an average of 20,000 words per day compared with 7,000 for men. If there had been that big a difference, he thought, they should have noticed it.

They found that the 20,000-7,000 figures have been used in popular books and magazines for years. But they couldn’t find any research supporting them. “Although many people believe the stereotypes of females as talkative and males as reticent, there is no large-scale study that systematically has recorded the natural conversations of large groups of people for extended periods of time,” Pennebaker said.

Indeed, Mehl said, one study they found, done in workplaces, showed men talking more. Still, the idea that women use nearly three times as many words a day as men has taken on the status of an “urban legend,” he said. “We realized we had the data,” Mehl said in a telephone interview, so they went back to their recordings and calculated the actual numbers.

Their research began with one group of students in 1998, two groups sampled in 2001, two in 2003 and a final group in 2004. One of the 2003 groups involved 51 students in Mexico, the rest were all in the United States. The students were fitted with unobtrusive recorders that sampled their conversations — the students didn’t know when the recorders were on. From the samples, a total number of words for the day could be calculated.

Of the six groups sampled, women used more words than men in three and men used more words than women in the other three, including the one in Mexico. The research was limited to college students, but Pennebaker said he believes it would probably apply to others in the same age range. “The question is, how it applies to people as we get older,” he said in a telephone interview on Thursday. Mehl said he thinks it should apply across age groups, but he wondered how it would be affected by different cultures.

Add comment July 5th, 2007

Presidential Scholars protest American torture

Last week, in an inspiring moment, 50 high school Presidential Scholars handed President Bush a letter stating their opposition to American torture. [see my blog entry here].

“As members of the Presidential Scholars class of 2007, we have been told that we represent the best and brightest of our nation. Therefore, we believe we have a responsibility to voice our convictions. We do not want America to represent torture. We urge you to do all in your power to stop violations of the human rights of detainees, to cease illegal renditions and to apply the Geneva Convention to all detainees, including those designated enemy combatants.”

Democracy Now! interviews two of the students who organized this protest.Watch:

[or read transcript here]

If only the American Psychological Association had the eloquence of these students. But, for the APA, torture is only something to oppose in the abstract. Real, actual, torture, committed by our government, and designed by our professional colleagues, doesn’t deserve a protest, or even a mention. In true Orwellian fashion, the APA tries to remake psychologists as the heroes protesting torture, rather than the perpetrators.

1 comment July 5th, 2007

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