Archive for December 10th, 2007

The Story of Stuff

The story of Stuff explains how the system of Extraction — Production — Distribution — Consumption — Disposal works to destroy our world and make our lives miserable as we pursue more and more stuff. Here’s the film’s description:

What is the Story of Stuff?

From its extraction through sale, use and disposal, all the stuff in our lives affects communities at home and abroad, yet most of this is hidden from view. The Story of Stuff is a 20-minute, fast-paced, fact-filled look at the underside of our production and consumption patterns. The Story of Stuff exposes the connections between a huge number of environmental and social issues, and calls us together to create a more sustainable and just world. It’ll teach you something, it’ll make you laugh, and it just may change the way you look at all the stuff in your life forever.

Watch it in a big format on the film’s website. Or watch smaller the embedded version here:

December 10th, 2007

Democracy Now! Did CIA Destroy Tapes Showing Waterboarding and Involvement of Psychologists in Torture?

The Democracy Now! segment today on the CIA’s destroyed torture tapes interviews Mark Benjamin of Salon and Scott Horton, attorney and harpers contributor. All three of them are very familiar with the APA and the role of psychologists. So, not surprisingly, much of the interview focuses upon those roles. Watch or listen here, or read the transcript:

Did CIA Destroy Tapes Showing Waterboarding and Involvement of Psychologists in Torture?

The Justice Department and the Central Intelligence Agency have launched a joint probe into the CIA’s destruction of at least two videotapes documenting prisoner interrogations at a secret CIA prison. One of the tapes may have shown CIA agents waterboarding the al-Qaeda operative Abu Zubaydah. [includes rush transcript]

AMY GOODMAN: The Justice Department and the Central Intelligence Agency have launched a joint probe into the CIA’s destruction of at least two tapes documenting prisoner interrogations at a secret CIA prison. CIA Director Michael Hayden said the tapes were destroyed because they posed a “serious security risk.” Hayden says if they were to become public they would have exposed CIA officials and their families to “retaliation from Al Qaeda and its sympathizers.” But critics have accused the CIA of deliberately destroying evidence that could have been used to hold agents accountable for the torture of prisoners.

One of the tapes is believed to have shown CIA agents waterboarding the al-Qaeda operative Abu Zubaydah. Defense lawyers for Guantanamo prisoners say the destruction of the tapes could open new challenges in cases based largely on information Zubaydah gave to interrogators.

Meanwhile, new questions are being raised about the role of senior lawmakers in backing the alleged torture. The Washington Post reports the CIA has regularly briefed senior members of the House and Senate intelligence committees on its secret prisons and the interrogation techniques used there since 2002. The lawmakers include four Democrats: House Speaker Nancy Pelosi Pelosi, Congressmember Jane Harman, Senators Bob Graham and Jay Rockefeller.

CIA officials say the controversial practice of waterboarding was among the techniques on display. But except for one known instance, no lawmaker is said to have voiced objection through the course of some thirty private briefings. Democrats and some Republicans have raised increasing criticism of waterboarding, but only after its use became publicly known.

I’m joined now by two guests. Scott Horton is remaining with us, teaches at Columbia Law, is a contributor to Harper’s Magazine, where he writes the blog, “No Comment.” Joining me from Washington, Mark Benjamin, national correspondent for Salon.com. His latest piece is called “For the CIA’s Eyes Only.”

I want to start here with Scott Horton. Talk about the man that is now being accused of the destruction of the tapes.

SCOTT HORTON:
Well, it’s an interesting point of continuity with your last segment, because the man in the crosshairs here, Jose Rodriguez, Jr., was the head of operations at the CIA. He’s the man now being fingered as the person who actually authorized the destruction, and he has been recruited very aggressively for a period of over a year, according to our sources, by Blackwater—not surprisingly either, because he was very, very close to Cofer Black, who of course is the vice chair of Blackwater. And Cofer Black’s name also comes up here over and over again as being right in the middle of this process leading to the application of these procedures, the preparation of recordings and then the destruction of the recordings.

AMY GOODMAN: Mark Benjamin, your piece asks the question: was the agency’s destruction of the video recordings a cover-up? Explain what you understand happened and what you think they’re covering up.

MARK BENJAMIN: Well, the thing that’s important to understand about these tapes is that they were made in 2002, and this is a period of time when the CIA, in particular, but also the military are starting to experiment and utilize these so-called “enhanced” interrogation techniques—waterboarding, stress positions, isolation, that sort of business—to break people down. So what the CIA did in 2002 is—and we’ve talked about this on your show before—is enlist a group of psychologists as CIA contractors who know a lot about Cold War methods used by the Soviets and others to break down our soldiers, which include the same techniques. So the agency at that period of time was just starting to use these techniques and with some—with brutal—and they’re very, very brutal techniques.

AMY GOODMAN: You name names in this. You talk about James Mitchell and Bruce Jessen. Mitchell and Jessen have that company in Spokane. Can you talk about their involvement, these CIA-employed psychologists?

MARK BENJAMIN: Well, these people are affiliated with the Survival Escape Resistance [Survival Evasion Resistance Escape] program. It’s a military program that over the years has taught US soldiers to resist basically torture if captured, everything from waterboarding to stress positions, these other things that we’ve discussed.

What happened in 2002 is the CIA and the military turned to these psychologists, including those two gentlemen you mentioned, Mitchell and Jessen, to reverse-engineer those techniques. So this sort of all wraps together. In other words, these psychologists are providing the CIA with these techniques, starting to provide the military with these techniques, and these are the very techniques that it sounds like are on these videotapes that were destroyed and probably are not something that’s very pretty to look at.

AMY GOODMAN: And what does this mean right now? It was 2005 that they were destroyed, of 2002 interrogations. What do you think happens from here?

MARK BENJAMIN: Well, it’s unclear what happens from here. I mean, that will depend on what the Justice Department decides to do. One of the things that’s interesting about 2005 is that the—at that time, Congress had not passed the Military Commissions Act. That’s a late 2006 law which, among other things, gives people like CIA operatives some cover, some legal cover, for past deeds. In 2005, that didn’t exist. So in 2005 the CIA had even more to worry about than that it did now, which lends to the optics, at least, that this was, you know, just basically a cover-up of evidence of war crimes.

AMY GOODMAN: Do you think that psychologists are on these videotapes?

MARK BENJAMIN: It’s unclear. I mean, we certainly know that at least one of them was in the room at a very early interrogation that looks like it would have been Zubaydah, or very close to the room. We don’t know who’s on the tapes, but it certainly is reasonable to believe that they could be.

AMY GOODMAN:
And where does this fit into the whole struggle within the APA of dissident psychologists? A number—some of them have resigned at this point, protesting the APA’s policy, American Psychological Association’s policy of continuing to allow psychologists to be involved with the interrogations.

MARK BENJAMIN: Well, it just raises further questions about why the American Psychological Association, as opposed to the American Medical Association and the American Psychiatric Association, has been so reticent to just cut itself off from doing these interrogations. It’s the only, you know, major medical organization that continues to essentially play ball with the military and the CIA, even though they continue to say that they’re not.

AMY GOODMAN: Now, I think something like six psychology departments at colleges around the country have passed resolutions protesting the APA’s position on interrogations.

MARK BENJAMIN: Yeah. And it’s really—it’s been tearing the organization apart. I mean, it’s not that the APA is about to go away, but they’ve—you know, when you go to these meetings—we were at one in San Francisco over the summer, you know, it’s really—it’s an extremely controversial stance that the APA has taken over the years to continue to participate. And when they participate, you know, in the APA’s defense, they say, we’re not participating in torture, but they continue to use language when they pass resolutions saying they won’t participate in torture that looks very similar to language the Bush administration has stuffed in various bills going through Congress that seems to allow them to continue to do it.

AMY GOODMAN: Your take on this, overall, Scott Horton?

SCOTT HORTON: Well, I think that these tapes would have shown the procedures that the APA has described at one point as safe, humane and legal. Of course, they’ve argued that psychologists participating in them would make them so. I think it would show just exactly the opposite.

But I want to come back to another point. My sources are saying that the destruction actually occurred in mid to late November of 2005. That really puts it in a different context. Two things going on at that point: one, the Justice Department has decided that it’s going to bring criminal charges against Jose Padilla; two, we have the Musawi case going on in the Eastern District of Virginia, and in that case Judge Leonie Brinkema is pushing, demanding, that the government turn over any tapes that existed of interrogation. In fact, I went back and examined the transcripts. She is specifically asking about the al-Zubaydah tapes, asking if there are any, and the government’s giving a reassurance: “No, no, no, there are no tapes. We’ve checked.” They say they relied on certifications from the CIA. Well, those representations are false. So we have false statements made to a court, and we have a clear attempt to evade a court order. That makes it obstruction of justice. That’s a crime.

AMY GOODMAN: And the fact that Nancy Pelosi, among others in the Democratic leadership, Jay Rockefeller, were briefed on the torture techniques?

SCOTT HORTON: Well, that’s astonishing, frankly, that there were—

AMY GOODMAN: Going way back.

SCOTT HORTON: —going way back—that there was no attempt to record dissents or go to the floor of the House or the Senate and talk about it. I’ve got to really single out Jay Rockefeller here. I mean, to me, we’ve seen a number of really dramatic turnaround in positions here, but Jay Rockefeller is one. I mean, he issued two press releases on two different days in which he took diametrically opposed stances—

AMY GOODMAN: We have five seconds.

SCOTT HORTON: —about what happened. One day he was briefed, and the next day he wasn’t.

AMY GOODMAN:
On that note, we’re going to leave it. Scott Horton—thanks for joining us—teaches law at Columbia Law School; and Mark Benjamin, he’s the national correspondent for Salon.com.

December 10th, 2007

Supreme Court allows sentencing leniency

As the U.S. has filled its prisons with millions of, mostly young minority males, many on often minor drug charges. While the War on Drugs has been a total failure at addressing the extent of substance abuse in our society, it has been ripe with abuses. The symbol of this abuse in recent years has been the extreme sentencing discrepancy between those arrested for selling crack, as opposed to powered cocaine. Those of us in substance abuse treatment know that there is essentially no difference between crack and cocaine, except for the common differences in who sells and uses them: crack — poor blacks; cocaine — middle class to wealthy whites. As all attempts to reform theses sentencing disparities have failed, federal judges have taken to using modest discretion in interpreting sentencing guidelines. The Bush administration, terrified by the humanity exemplified by the judges actions, tried to get the Supreme Court to put a stop to judicial discretion. Today, in a 7-2 decision, the SCOTUS said “NO” to the Bush administration. Adam B at Daily Kos explains:

SCOTUS: Let judges be merciful

Derrick Kimbrough is, no doubt, a bad man. In 2004 he pleaded guilty to four offenses: conspiracy to distribute crack and powder; possession with intent to distribute more than 50 grams of crack (he acknowledged 56 grams); possession with intent to distribute powder (92.1 grams); and possession of a firearm in furtherance of a drug-trafficking offense. His plea subjected him to a minimum term of 15 years and a maximum of life, with the guidelines reccomending 19-22.5 years. The trial judge thought that such treatment exemplified the “disproportionate and unjust effect that crack cocaine guidelines have in sentencing,” noted that if Kimbrough had possessed only powder cocaine, his Guidelines range would have been far lower: 8-9 years. So the judge did the best he could, and sentenced him to the minimum of 15 years.

The Bush Administration didn’t like this and appealed, claiming that the judge should have had no discretion to consider the crack/powder disparity in sentencing him.

In a 7-2 opinion by Justice Ginsburg handed down this morning, the Supreme Court rebuked the Bush Administration and has given judges permission to deviate downwards from the draconian federal guidelines to consider the disparity in treatment between crack and powder cocaine.

Under the federal sentencing guidelines, a drug trafficker dealing in crack cocaine is subject to the same sentence as one dealing in 100 times more powder cocaine. These were guidelines drawn up in 1986 at the dawn of the crack epidemic, but they yield bizarre, unjust results. As the bipartisan U.S. Sentencing Commission had explained to Congress, “Although chemically similar, crack and powder cocaine are handled very differently for sentencing purposes. The 100-to-1 ratio yields sentences for crack offenses three to six times longer than those for powder offenses involving equal amounts of drugs.” More:

“[T]he Commission concluded that the crack/powder disparity is inconsistent with the 1986 Act’s goal of punishing major drug traffickers more severely than low-level dealers. Drug importers and major traffickers generally deal in powder cocaine, which is then converted into crack by street-level sellers. … But the 100-to-1 ratio can lead to the ‘anomalous’ result that ‘retail crack dealers get longer sentences than the wholesale drug distributors who supply them the powder cocaine from which their crack is produced.’

“Finally, the Commission stated that the crack/powder sentencing differential ‘fosters disrespect for and lack of confidence in the criminal justice system’ because of a ‘widely-held perception’ that it ‘promotes unwarranted disparity based on race.’ [] Approximately 85 percent of defendants convicted of crack offenses in federal court are black; thus the severe sentences required by the 100-to-1 ratio are imposed ‘primarily upon black offenders.’ ”

The Sentencing Commission has repeatedly urged Congress to act and amend this disparity; it has failed to do so. In the meantime, the sentencing guidelines have shifted from mandatory to advisory on trial judges (long story), so the question remained whether deviating from this 100:1 ratio was something that judges could do on their own. Today’s ruling says yes, they can, and you can read it here, along with much discussion of how LSD sentencing works in America.

Justices Thomas and Alito dissented, with Thomas venting about how he doesn’t like the Court’s whole approach to the sentencing guidelines, and Alito briefly arguing that the guidelines were entitled to more weight.

In a second 7-2 opinion today, the Court further extended judicial discretion in sentencing, allowing a trial court judge to sentence a University of Iowa undergrad low-dollar ecstasy dealer ($30K netted) to 36 months probation, rather than that same length in jail, based on his clean living as a construction subcontractor since his arrest.

Given the constant ratcheting-up of sentences by politicians looking to be “tough on crime,” today’s decisions should help tremendously in allowing judges to be just, humane and merciful.

December 10th, 2007

APA task force tackles corruption of drug company money

The Chronicle of Higher Education has an article on an American Psychological Association panel on the role of external funding on psychological research, the Presidential Task Force on External Funding,created by former APA President Phillip Zimbardo:

American Psychological Association Panel Urges Curbs on Corporate Influence on the Discipline

by Peter Monaghan

The profession of psychology should become far more vigilant in repelling the influence of corporations, particularly pharmaceutical companies, suggests a report from the American Psychological Association’s Presidential Task Force on External Funding.

The committee has recommended that the association develop policies, training materials, and continuing-education programs that help to preserve the independence of psychological science, practice, and education.

In its report, which is scheduled to be issued today, the task force concludes that “strong measures” will be needed to keep at bay predatory, corrupt, or merely venal influences and practices that already are rife in many areas of medical and scientific research.

Most prominently, the report recommends that the association should require that all of its publications disclose any relationships between researchers and companies. The panel also called for the creation of a registry that would permit qualified researchers to review, after two or three years, all data used in the preparation of articles published in the association’s journals.

“When you make an agreement with human subjects to collect data from them, the subjects have an implicit, if not explicit, expectation that the data will be used to advance science,” said David O. Antonuccio, one member of the panel. Yet, he said, “there have been many examples of data being suppressed” through the malign influence of companies interested in the results, and “that is not acceptable anymore.”

Science organizations and some members of Congress, he said, increasingly object to the way that corporations influence science by such means as claiming ownership of data from research they sponsor.
Also common among corporations, he said, was hostile litigation and other actions geared to suppress unfavorable findings. Overwhelmingly, his committee found, data revealed that pharmaceutical-industry-financed researchers tend to produce results favorable to their sponsors.

“If raw data are accessible, any biases in the initial publications will emerge in subsequent analyses,” said Mr. Antonuccio, a professor of psychiatry and behavioral sciences at the University of Nevada School of Medicine who has long decried the way that suppression of unfavorable research has distorted claims about the effectiveness of antidepressants.

Focus on Pharmaceuticals

The APA panel focused on pharmaceutical-industry funding because it provides “a telling example of the distortions and unintended consequences that can occur when academic centers, scientists, and practitioners become overly dependent on for-profit industries,” says the report. The panel’s 23 unanimously approved recommendations are included in an article, “Corporate Funding and Conflicts of Interest: A Primer for Psychologists,” that is being published today in the December issue of American Psychologist. That periodical is the official journal of the American Psychological Association, which is the world’s largest organization of its kind and represents 148,000 researchers, educators, clinicians, consultants, and students.

The committee was set up as a direct result of the experience of one of its members, Philip G. Zimbardo, an emeritus professor of psychology at Stanford University. In 2002, when he was the president of the APA, he attended the annual convention of a counterpart and historically rival organization, the American Psychiatric Association. He was, he said in an interview, “stunned” at what he saw: huge, extravagant corporate exhibits decked with glitzy chill-out areas, aquariums, and the like where large teams of staffersa?”most of them attractive young womena ?”loudly touted companies’ drugs, handed out gifts, and even administered quasi-medical tests that appeared to be invalid.

“It was hard to believe,” Mr. Zimbardo said.

Dozens of the convention’s panels were sponsored by drug companies, he said, leaving him with the impression that those corporations were trying to control who would appear as speakers. “I found that outrageous,” said Mr. Zimbardo.

He said that the work of the American Psychological Association panel, which he initiated, was urgent because such practices increasingly threaten the practice of psychology, too. One potential incentive for the pharmaceutical industry to appeal to psychologists is the association’s initial success in lobbying states to grant to psychologists the right to prescribe medications. It has pursued that goal over the loud objections of the American Psychiatric Association and the American Medical Association, arguing that in many states, patients in remote areas have no access to psychiatrists, nor enough money to afford their services.

As state legislatures begin to grant prescribing rights to psychologists, said Mr. Zimbardo, “the pharmaceutical companies will be onto us.” Also at play, he and his fellow panelists said, was that corporate funding, particularly from the “enormously wealthy and politically influential” pharmaceutical industry, will increase as a result of such trends as the expanding markets for drugs treating mental- health problems.

His motivation in pressing for the formation of the panel was, he said, to determine what venues, activities, and actions of the American Psychological Association and its members “could be vulnerable to corruption, not only by pharmaceutical companies, but by publishers, the Defense Department, and others.”

Requiring researchers to make a statement of conflict of interest is not enough because often “people on the take don’t see it as being corruption,” Mr. Zimbardo said. He called the new report “consciousness raising. It’s really an alert, a call to ethical arms.”

Recommended Actions

The committee members, including two former presidents of the APA, a former director of the National Institute on Drug Abuse, and clinicians, made recommendations in several areas:

* Financial conflicts of interest should be disclosed for any psychology-sponsored publications, presentations, or electronic mailing lists, as well as any interaction with human research subjects and policy makers.

* Journals should carry disclaimers about the accuracy of claims in advertisements, while “perhaps 25 percent” of industry advertising revenue should be set aside to support professional and public discussion, at forums and in continuing-education courses, of research findings related to advertisements’ claims.”

* APA journals should publish findings only from trials that enroll in a public registry, ideally one set up by the APA, itself.

* The APA should find ways to inform its members of how industry “inducements” can bias continuing-education courses and other venues involving particular texts, psychological tests, or other commercial products.

One of two co-chairs of the APA group, Wendy S. Pachter, said that her fellow panelists varied in their opinion of how malevolent corporate forces were. Still, she said, psychologists undoubtedly do well when they inform themselves of how corporations may seek to influence them.
The report speaks of the need to “make certain that [psychologists] have adopted appropriate policies and procedures to help avoid the egregious mistakes of others.”

Ms. Pachter, a Washington, D.C., psychologist and lawyer with extensive experience in health-care research administration and policy formation, aid: “Our point is that similar tactics seem to be used across industries to make products look good and to discredit scientists who challenge that.” The report noted that not just pharmaceutical companies, but also others in the lead, plastics, and food industries had used such feints as front organizations to influence regulation and otherwise to advance their interests.

But “it’s not all dishonesty,” Ms. Pachter said. “These issues are tough for industry, too, if there’s no pushback?”if they just go in with money and no one is defending the store.”

Within psychology, and within the undertaking of science, more generally, the adoption of agreed-upon guidelines would be an ideal response to corporate pressures, she said. “It’d be preferable if the sciences pooled their resources and came up with some principles, because the inducements of short-term funding make it hard for one science to give up that funding”a?”or, for one institution to do so, she said.

Mr. Zimbardo agreed, and said it would now be up to the APA’s administration, board of directors, and constituent directorates and divisions to adopt the report and to develop policies based on it. Doing so would place the APA in a position of leadership in dealing with what virtually all fields of science now agree has become a serious problem, he said.

A few years ago, he said, he chaired the Council of Scientific Society Presidents, which represents 60 scientific federations and societies, at a time when it was considering what to do about the apparent crisis. But none of the organizations had developed a set of policies as comprehensive as those that the APA panel has now recommended.

“So,” said Mr. Zimbardo, “this really is a first.”

This effort is a laudable attempt to focus attention on the issues and come up with preventive approaches before the drug companies take over the profession. It is hard to believe that the relatively modest efforts under Recommended Action will have  much effect once the millions of dollars of drug company money starts pouring in to psychology. But, at least attention has focussed upon the issue before the profession is totally taken over.

While the article states that problems associated with Defense Department funding was considered by the task force, the emphasis appears to have been upon the drug companies. After all, the military and intelligence agencies have exerted strong influence on the profession of psychology, and on the APA and the American Psychological Society (APS) for decades, as can be seen with the APA’s policies on US government torture and abusive interrogations. There is no evidence that the profession is ready to deal with the military/intell establishment’s corrupting influence at this point.

December 10th, 2007


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