Archive for June 8th, 2008

Richrd Clarke: Don’t let warmongerers back into polite society

As regular readers know, I have been calling for accountability for those who authorized and directed US torture. Former antiterrorism official Richard Clarke has a similar idea regarding those responsible for the Iraq war. He calls for accountability for those who launched this disastrous war based upon lies.

Think Progress has the transcript. Here is the critical portion:

CLARKE: Well, there may be some other kind of remedy. There may be some sort of truth and reconciliation commission process that’s been tried in other countries, South Africa, Salvador and what not, where if you come forward and admit that you were in error or admit that you lied, admit that you did something, then you’re forgiven. Otherwise, you are censured in some way.

Now, I just don’t think we can let these people back into polite society and give them jobs on university boards and corporate boards and just let them pretend that nothing ever happened when there are 4,000 Americans dead and 25,000 Americans grieviously wounded, and they’ll carry those wounds and suffer all the rest of their lives.

June 8th, 2008

A drugged army is a more reliable army

Meanwhile, te soldiers who are in Iraq and Afghanistan are taking psychoactive drugs, primarily antidepressants and sleeping medications, in order to cope:

Data contained in the Army’s fifth Mental Health Advisory Team report indicate that, according to an anonymous survey of U.S. troops taken last fall, about 12% of combat troops in Iraq and 17% of those in Afghanistan are taking prescription antidepressants or sleeping pills to help them cope. Escalating violence in Afghanistan and the more isolated mission have driven troops to rely more on medication there than in Iraq, military officials say.

At a Pentagon that keeps statistics on just about everything, there is no central clearinghouse for this kind of data, and the Army hasn’t consistently asked about prescription-drug use, which makes it difficult to track. Given the traditional stigma associated with soldiers seeking mental help, the survey, released in March, probably underestimates antidepressant use. But if the Army numbers reflect those of other services — the Army has by far the most troops deployed to the war zones — about 20,000 troops in Afghanistan and Iraq were on such medications last fall. The Army estimates that authorized drug use splits roughly fifty-fifty between troops taking antidepressants — largely the class of drugs that includes Prozac and Zoloft — and those taking prescription sleeping pills like Ambien.

The extensive use of psychotropics may enable the military to keep more troops in the field longer, at the cost of more mental disorders long-term:

“No magic pill can erase the image of a best friend’s shattered body or assuage the guilt from having traded duty with him that day,” says Combat Stress Injury, a 2006 medical book edited by Charles Figley and William Nash that details how troops can be helped by such drugs. “Medication can, however, alleviate some debilitating and nearly intolerable symptoms of combat and operational stress injuries” and “help restore personnel to full functioning capacity.”

Which means that any drug that keeps a soldier deployed and fighting also saves money on training and deploying replacements. But there is a downside: the number of soldiers requiring long-term mental-health services soars with repeated deployments and lengthy combat tours. If troops do not get sufficient time away from combat — both while in theater and during the “dwell time” at home before they go back to war — it’s possible that antidepressants and sleeping aids will be used to stretch an already taut force even tighter. “This is what happens when you try to fight a long war with an army that wasn’t designed for a long war,” says Lawrence Korb, Pentagon personnel chief during the Reagan Administration.

Not everyone is fooled:

Military families wonder about the change, according to Joyce Raezer of the private National Military Family Association. “Boy, it’s really nice to have these drugs,” she recalls a military doctor saying, “so we can keep people deployed.” And professionals have their doubts. “Are we trying to bandage up what is essentially an insufficient fighting force?” asks Dr. Frank Ochberg, a veteran psychiatrist and founding board member of the International Society for Traumatic Stress Studies.

June 8th, 2008

Self-mutilation as a life preservative: ‘Anything Not to Go Back’

Those of us old enough to remember Vietnam recall the creativity of men avoiding the draft. Today we see similar signs of a war gone badly wrong, as Newsweek reports:

‘Anything Not to Go Back’

By Tony Dokoupil

As an internist at New York’s Mount Sinai Hospital, Dr. Stephanie Santos is used to finding odd things in people’s stomachs. So last spring when a young man, identifying himself as an Iraq-bound soldier, said he had accidentally swallowed a pen at the bus station, she believed him. That is, until she found a second pen. It read 1-800-GREYHOUND. Last summer, according to published reports, a 20-year-old Bronx soldier paid a hit man $500 to shoot him in the knee on the day he was scheduled to return to Iraq. The year before that, a 24-year-old specialist from Washington state escaped a second tour of duty, according to his sister, by strapping on a backpack full of tools and leaping off the roof of his house, injuring his spine.

Such cases of self-harm are a “rising trend” that military doctors are watching closely, says Col. Kathy Platoni, an Army Reserve psychologist who has worked with veterans of Iraq and Afghanistan. “There are some soldiers who will do almost anything not to go back,” she says. Col. Elspeth Ritchie, the Army’s top psychologist, agrees that we could see an uptick in intentional injuries as more U.S. soldiers serve long, repeated combat tours, “but we just don’t have good, hard data on it.” Intentional- injury cases are hard to identify, and even harder to prosecute. Fewer than 21 soldiers have been punitively discharged for self-harm since 2003, according to the military. What’s worrying, however, is that American troops committed suicide at the highest rate on record in 2007—and the factors behind self-injury are similar: combat stress and strained relationships. “It’s often the families that don’t want soldiers to return to war,” says Ritchie.

Soldiers have long used self-harm as a rip cord to avoid war. During World War I, The American Journal of Psychiatry reported “epidemics of self-inflicted injuries,” hospital wards filled with men shot in a single finger or toe, as well as cases of pulled-out teeth, punctured eardrums and slashed Achilles’ heels. Few doubt that the Korean and Vietnam wars were any different. But the current war—fought with an overtaxed volunteer Army—may be the worst. “We’re definitely concerned,” says Ritchie. “We hope they’ll talk to us rather than self-harm.”

This trend poses complex ethical issues for psychologists and other mental health professionals. What is the ethical way to “help” these soldiers: fix them up and send them back to their units; help them escape; or to treat their desire to avoid another horrifying tour as a mental illness? And who is the treater primarily responsible to? The patient or the army? Unfortunately, I see few signs of our professions grappling with these thorny issues.

June 8th, 2008

Accountability for torture at last?

Are we to have accountability for torture at last? two new developments give hope that an accountability moment may yet occur.

Rendition Investigation Reopened

In the first development, the Homeland Security Inspector General told Congress he is reopening an investigation into the “extraordinary rendition” of Canadian Maher Arar. Arar, as you may recall, was arrested as he was switching planes en route home from vacation in Switzerland and sent to be tortured in Syria. For the first time a US official admitted that there is evidence that Arar was sent to Syria because it was expected that he would be tortured there.

Skinner’s testimony said officials “concluded that Arar was entitled to protection from torture and that returning him to Syria would more likely than not result in his torture.”

The Canadian government acknowledged error, apologized to Arar, and issued reparations. The US government refused to allow him to enter the country to give Congressional testimony.

More information on the Arar case and the IG investigation can be obtained from Scott Horton’s posting, which includes his testimony to Congress this week. As Horton summed up his view of the hearings:

The hearing revealed some remarkable facts. First, that Deputy Attorney General Larry Thompson made a key finding that facilitated Arar’s shipment to Syria (a determination that it was against U.S. interests for him to be returned to Canada). Second, that the INS had determined that Arar would more likely than not be tortured if he was returned to Syria. Third, that his shipment to Syria, overriding normal procedures, occurred after tremendous pressure had been brought to bear from the office of the Deputy Attorney General.

The hearing was remarkable in that, although pretty harsh criticism was doled out by Committee members and myself, IGs Skinner and Ervin largely agreed that the criticism was well-founded, that the conduct involved was inexplicable or inexcusable, and that a further investigation was necessary.

Even more amazingly, the entire panel of speakers (including the two IGs) agreed that it would be appropriate for a criminal investigation to be commenced looking into violations of the anti-torture statute by those involved in the case, particularly figures in the Deputy Attorney General’s office.

Congress Members Urge Special Counsel

In the other development, nearly 60 members of Congress have written the Attorney General (aka, Director of Torture Cover-up), requesting that a Special Counsel be appointed to investigate Bush administration involvement in torture. [The letter to Mukasey can be read here.]

In a letter to Attorney General Michael B. Mukasey, the lawmakers cited what they said is “mounting evidence” that senior officials personally sanctioned the use of waterboarding and other aggressive tactics against detainees in U.S.-run prisons overseas. An independent investigation is needed to determine whether such actions violated U.S or international law, the letter stated.

Apparently referring to a recent ABC News report that US torture was micromanaged out of the White House by the so-called Principals Committee — which included Vice President Richard Cheney, Condoleezza Rice, Donald Rumsfeld, Colin Powell, George Tenet, and Attorney General John Ashcroft – with President Bush’s knowledge and approval:

[W]ithin the last month additional information has surfaced that suggests the fact that not only did top Administration officials meet in the White House and approve the use of enhanced techniques including waterboarding against detainees, but that President Bush was aware of, and approved of the meetings taking place.

They go on to summarize the implications of the revelations of White house micromanaging of torture:

“This information indicates that the Bush administration may have systematically implemented, from the top down, detainee interrogation policies that constitute torture or otherwise violate the law,” it said. The letter was signed by 56 House Democrats, including House Judiciary Committee Chairman John Conyers Jr. (D-Mich.) and House Intelligence Committee members Jan Schakowsky (D-Ill.) and Jerrold Nadler (D-N.Y).

As Rep. John Conyers explained:

“We need an impartial criminal investigation,” said Conyers, who called the detainee controversy “a truly shameful episode” in U.S. history. “Because these apparent ‘enhanced interrogation techniques’ were used under cover of Justice Department legal opinions, the need for an outside special prosecutor is obvious.”

Fiven the determination of Attorney general Mukasey to carry out his primary duty of protecting the torturers, there is little chance the recommendation in this letter will be acted upon during this administration. When a new administration takes power on January 20, there will be great pressure to forget the wrongs committed by the Bush administration. We are likely to be told by the opinion makers to “let bygones be bygones” and to look ahead. It is up to us concerned citizens to keep the pressure on for accountability for Bush administration crimes, among the foremost of which is the open legalized use of torture. Only truth and accountability can inhibit a recurrence when the next crisis hits our country.

Health Professions’ Accountability

While the lawyers and others who made possible the Bush regime abuses are starting to receive the scrutiny they deserve, we should not forget the need for psychologists and other health professions to establish accountability for our professions’ aiding and abetting Bush’s torture regime. It is well known that the American Psychological Association worked hard to provide cover for Bush administration actions. But the other health professions, while taking stronger positions regarding their members’ participation in detainee interrogations, have not acted to discipline or condemn the actions of their members aiding the torture regime.

It is openly acknowledged by both the Defense Department and the CIA that their “harsh interrogations” (aka “torture”) are conducted under medical supervision. Yet neither the AMA nor ANA have acted to investigate nor discipline members performing these functions. And official and unofficial reports have consistently pointed to the failure of medical professionals, in most cases, to stop or report abuse of detainees, even as they stitched up the wounds and medicated the damaged souls.

None of the health professions should be proud of how it responded to this crisis of human rights and of human decency. We need a Health Professionals Truth Commission to investigate and produce a definitive account of the collaboration of members of our professions in detainee abuses. We further need an analysis of the policy errors and institutional pressures that inhibited our professions from doing the right thing and putting “do no harm” at the top of our agenda.

June 8th, 2008

Ruth Rosen on self-censorship in the liberal media

In an article from TPM Cafe, Ruth Rosen describes her experiences as an editorial nd Op-Ed writer for the liberal San Francisco Chronicle during the run-up to the Iraq war. Despite knowing that the administration was lying, Rosen and her fellow editorialists felt constrained as to what they could say. This is one of the best descriptions of the process of self-censorship in the liberal media. The take-home point:

The truth is, even a liberal newspaper, blessed with a liberal editorial board, did not engage in truth telling. We raised some good questions, wrote about supporting the troops, but failed to describe the deception that led to the catastrophe that was unfolding right before our eyes.

Here’s the article:

Tales From Inside the Editorial Board Room

By Ruth Rosen

When I first heard about Scott McClellan’s charges that the Bush administration had lied and deceived Americans during the months and years leading up to the war, I burst into tears of happiness. No, nothing he wrote was new. And even if he still seems like a sleazy public relations expert in obfuscation, an insider was finally telling the truth, in one book.

My story is different from those who felt seriously constrained about raising questions about the administration’s obvious lies. I worked as an editorial writer at The San Francisco Chronicle, where a liberal editorial board raised serious objections to the war. And yet, in the years following 9/11, I felt editorial restraints that never allowed us to tell the whole truth about the lies and deception that led to America’s most catastrophic foreign policy disaster.

Others in the mainstream media felt far greater restraints. Jessica Yellin, a CNN journalist, for example, says she felt pressured by corporate executives at her previous network to support the Iraq War. To Anderson Cooper, she described how she and others were “under enormous pressure from corporate executives, frankly, to make sure that this was a war presented in a way that was consistent with the patriotic fever in the nation and the president’s high approval ratings.” On the Today Show, Katie Couric, Brian Williams, and Charles Gibson also admitted feeling pressure from the Bush administration to support the war, MSNBC reported. Couric even recounted a threat from the White House Press Secretary to “block access to [the network] during the war” if she did not change the tone of her interviewing style.”

So what did I experience? An editor and an editorial board who felt that, in the absence of inside sources, we could not counter the administration’s lies.

Let me give you some examples. I was raised in a Republican family, but schooled by the great iconoclastic journalist I.F. Stone, who taught me that you can find the truth without inside sources, if only you’re willing to see beyond patriotic fervor and examine voices in the public domain that are marginalized, So, I would read national security experts who countered Donald Rumfeld’s ridiculous predictions; I would read the British, Canadian, Italian and French press; I would read the writings of experts in resource wars and weapons of mass destruction.

No, I didn’t know I was right. But I was sure that the administration was lying. And, I knew that at the very least that our editorials should be asking why Bush, Cheney, Rumsfeld et al should be believed when I had found strong evidence that they were cherry picking intelligence, and setting up their own office in the Pentagon, and acting in complete secrecy.

The rush to war drove me crazy. In the days that led up to the war, I went to my editor and told him I needed a few days unpaid leave to accept the fact that we were, in fact, going to war. In my mind’s eye, I saw a baby tied to the railroad tracks and saw the train rapidly moving toward the helpless child. I saw years of quagmire, bloodshed, and tens of thousands of deaths. I needed a few days to accept that reality before I could return to writing. He understood and allowed me to regain my professional composure.

To its credit, the editorial board raised some of the toughest questions in the mainstream media. And yet….I was the only one who didn’t believe Colin Powell’s shameful presentation at the United Nations. Why? Not because I had special insider knowledge, but like I.F. Stone, I had found credible people who could dissect his speech and found it unconvincing and unpersuasive.

When I heard Bush’s inaugural address, I heard two major lies embedded within his speech. But somehow that still wasn’t enough to accuse him of plagiarism and deception.

The truth is, even a liberal newspaper, blessed with a liberal editorial board, did not engage in truth telling. We raised some good questions, wrote about supporting the troops, but failed to describe the deception that led to the catastrophe that was unfolding right before our eyes.

While I was writing editorials, I was also publishing two weekly political columns on the op-ed page. I also felt constrained as a columnist. If I wanted to discuss this country’s desire to gain control and access over oil, I had to bump up against the accusation that I was a vulgar Marxist, rather than conversant with the reality of resource wars.

Finally, I am an historian, and I knew Iraq’s history. I also knew that the war would end in a disastrous occupation, not a liberation, and that no country, including our own, will ever tolerate occupation by a foreign nation.

This week, I sat with a former colleague from the editorial board in a café, rather than in the room where we used to make our editorial decisions. He admitted that I had been right, but even more, that even in a liberal paper, the editor and most of the board, had felt restrained, afraid of seeming unpatriotic, afraid of saying the emperor wore no clothes, afraid of not giving the President the benefit of the doubt, afraid of truth telling without access to inside sources.

You may say, “Ho Hum, even the Senate has now, after five years, come out with a report that describes (oh, so tepidly) the years of deception.

But for me, the tears flowed because I remembered all those years when I felt passionate about telling the public the truth, but was unable to do so in a mainstream, liberal, newspaper.

June 8th, 2008


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