Archive for January 14th, 2009

Statement of al-Qahtani’s attorneys in the wake of admission he was tortured

Mohammed al-Qahtani’s attorneys have released the following statement in the wake of Susan Crawford’s admission that Mr.al-Qahtani was tortured:As the subject of Donald Rumsfeld’s extreme First Special Interrogation Plan, Mohammed al Qahtani was tortured by U.S. authorities at Guantánamo for a prolonged period and suffers physical and mental trauma as a result. He should be sent back to Saudi Arabia’s highly successful custodial rehabilitation program.

Mohammed al Qahtani is an individual case with a concrete solution. Yet he is being held up in the media as an example of a theoretical group of detainees remaining at the base who the government somehow knows are guilty but cannot prosecute because the only evidence against them is tainted by torture. This premise is faulty and leads to dangerous justifications for creating yet another alternate process outside the law, be it a special “national security court” or schemes for continued indefinite detention that would only amount to another Guantánamo in a new location.

The fact is, if the only evidence against an individual is obtained through torture, there is no reliable evidence. Period. Professional interrogators say that when you torture a suspect he will tell you what you want to hear, not what you want to know. There are numerous examples of false confessions obtained at Guantánamo and wherever else coercive interrogations have been used. Moreover, it is unlikely that there are cases of dangerous individuals where the only evidence was obtained through torture. Khalid Sheik Mohammed, for example, bragged about his deeds long before he was captured. Indeed, he has a pending indictment in federal criminal court.

In addition, many men accused by the government of worse crimes than most of the remaining detainees have been released to freedom or, in the cases of Salim Hamdan and David Hicks, released after time served.

Any case going forward must be tried in ordinary federal criminal courts or it will raise doubts about its legitimacy the world over. Our courts have successfully prosecuted scores of terrorism-related cases, and there is no reason to think they could not handle any coming out of Guantanamo.

Closing Guantánamo is not the insurmountable task it is being made out to be. The government must send those who can go home home, find safe haven for those who cannot, and charge those who can be charged in our criminal justice system. The men there have been held indefinitely in abusive conditions for seven years already. We must act now.

January 14th, 2009

Guantanamo defense attorney Maj. Ftrakt to convening authority Susan Crawford: My client was abuse too!

In the wake of the Guantanamo Military Commissions Convening Authority Susan Crawford’s admission that Mohamed al-Qahtani had been “tortured”,  resulting in charges against al-Qahtani being dropped, Maj. Frakt, Mohhamed Jawd’s military defense  attorney has just sent a letter to Ms. Crawford requesting that she apply the same criterion to his client and drop the charges.

Here is the letter [also available as pdf: Frakt memo to Susan Crawford]

January 14, 2008

The Hon. Susan J. Crawford
Convening Authority
Office of Military Commissions
1600 Defense Pentagon
Washington DC 20301-1600

Madame Convening Authority:

I am writing to commend your courageous and candid comments concerning the commissions to Bob Woodward, as reflected in a story in this morning’s Washington Post. Your decision to refuse to refer charges against a detainee because he was tortured, despite the repeated swearing of charges against him by the Chief Prosecutor, was in the finest traditions of American standards of military justice.

As you know, I represent Mohammed Jawad. I assumed all along that your decision with regard to Mr. Qahtani was based on his harsh treatment in detention, and, in fact stated as much in an open session of Mr. Jawad’s military commission, while cross-examining the former Legal Advisor:

Q [MAJ FRAKT]: But. . .the treatment of the detainees, whether they may have been subjected to abusive treatment, is a consideration that you have taken into account in formulating your pretrial advice, is it not?

A [BG HARTMANN]: It could be, certainly.

Q [MAJ FRAKT]: In fact, it has been in the Qahtani case. You specifically recommended something other than what the chief prosecutor recommended, considering the totality of the circumstances surrounding his detention.

A [BG HARTMANN]: I recommended something different than the chief prosecutor recommended based upon the totality of the circumstances, that’s correct.

Q [MAJ FRAKT]: And those circumstances included harsh treatment at the hands of U.S. detention authorities?

A [BG HARTMANN]: Those circumstances included all the circumstances that were described as in the referral binder.

Q [MAJ FRAKT]: In fact, the Convening Authority dismissed those charges against Mr. al Qahtani presumably concerning the totality of the circumstances as well?

A [BG HARTMANN]: The Convening Authority dismissed the charges. . . She did not explain the reason.

U.S. v. Jawad, Draft Record of Trial pp. 342-344 (June 19, 2008)

I was also heartened by the following passage in the story: “Crawford said she believes that coerced testimony should not be allowed. ‘You don’t allow it in a regular court,’ said Crawford.” Given your stated disapproval about the use of coerced statements and the propriety of referring charges against detainees who have been tortured, I am sure you’ll be very interested in the recent developments in the case against my client, Mohammed Jawad. Just yesterday, in an oral argument before the Court of Military Commission Review in U.S. v. Jawad, the government counsel from OMC-P argued that coerced testimony is and should be admissible under MCRE 304. The government had filed an interlocutory appeal of Judge Henley’s ruling that a statement obtained by U.S. interrogators from Mr. Jawad was the product of torture. They argued that he had applied the incorrect standard, that the statement was not the product of torture but only coercion, and that it was in the interests of justice to admit the coerced statement.

Although I welcome the strong public stand you have taken in the article, your enlightened attitudes about the use of coerced statements and the propriety of referring charges against detainees who have been tortured seem to be inconsistent with your actions in my client’s case. I am writing to bring some of these inconsistencies to your attention, in the hope that you will reconsider.

The Post article suggests that you referred charges against other detainees known to have been tortured because there was independent uncoerced evidence. Referring to the alleged 9/11 co-conspirators, the story says: “The five detainees face capital murder charges, and Crawford said she let the charges go forward because the FBI satisfied her that they gathered information without using harsh techniques. She noted that Mohammed has acknowledged his Sept. 11 role in court, whereas Qahtani has recanted his self-incriminating statements to the FBI.” This is certainly an understandable distinction. If there is independent reliable evidence of involvement in a terrorist attack, then it may not be unreasonable to pursue charges. It must be underscored that the only confessions Mohammed Jawad ever made were the initial statements made the first day of capture which Judge Henley has ruled were the product of torture. In nearly a dozen interrogations at Bagram prison and over 36 interrogations at Guantanamo under less coercive circumstances, he consistently denied throwing the hand grenade. He also denied throwing the hand grenade in his Combatant Status Review Tribunal. Thus, when the prosecution was asked during the September 25-26 suppression motion whether they intended to offer any additional self-incriminating statements from Mr. Jawad at his trial, they stated that they had none, and would not offer any statements other than those from Mr. Jawad’s first day and night in captivity.

I note also that you considered the extent of the abuse suffered by Mr. Qahtani. The torture that led to the incriminating statements was not the only abuse experienced by Mr. Jawad. The Post story referenced that Mr. Qahtani “experienced sustained isolation, sleep deprivation, nudity and prolonged exposure to cold.” While perhaps not to the same degree, Mr. Jawad also experienced these same techniques, despite the fact that, as both the former JTF-GTMO Commander, Maj Gen Jay Hood, and the former JIG Director, Esteban Rodriguez, have testified, Mr. Jawad was not perceived to possess any intelligence value. Indeed, as Judge Henley found in D-008 “by March 2004 the accused was of no intelligence value to any government agency.” And of course, Mr. Jawad, unlike Mr. Qahtani, was a minor at the time that these techniques were utilized. Mr. Jawad has also been beaten, forced to stand in stress positions and hooded, among other forms of abuse. This abuse has been the subject of considerable pre-trial litigation in his case, and has all been proven in open court, as explained by Judge Henley in the following passages from his Ruling in D-008:

[T]he accused was subjected to the frequent flyer program and moved from cell to cell 112 times from 7 May 2004 to 20 May 2004, on average of about once every three hours. The accused was shackled and unshackled as he was moved from cell to cell. The Accused was not interrogated and the scheme was calculated to profoundly disrupt his mental senses.

On or about June 2, 2008, the Accused was beaten, kicked, and pepper sprayed for not complying with a guard’s instructions. He suffered, among other injuries, a broken nose.

The conditions experienced by the Accused while confined at Guantanamo Bay include excessive heat, constant lighting, loud noise, linguistic isolation (separating the accused from other Pashto speakers), and, on at least two separate occasions, 30 days physical isolation.

This Commission finds that, under the circumstances, subjecting this Accused to the “frequent flyer” program from May 7-20, 2004 constitutes abusive conduct and cruel and inhuman treatment.

In one respect, Mr. Jawad’s treatment may be viewed as even more egregious than the abuse of Mr. Qahtani. As you noted in your interview, the techniques utilized against Mr. Qahtani were authorized at the time. In contrast, the frequent flyer program was never officially authorized, and, as Judge Henley noted in D-008 the frequent flyer treatment of Mr. Jawad “came at least two months after the JTF-GTMO commander had ordered the program stopped.”

Another remarkable aspect about Mr. Jawad’s case is the fact that, due to Brig Gen Hartmann’s intense personal interest in the case, it was rushed to trial without adequate preparation. I was struck by the following passage in the story:

When she came in as convening authority in 2007, Crawford said, “the prosecution was unprepared” to bring cases to trial. Even after four years working possible cases, “they were lacking in experience and judgment and leadership,” she said. “A prosecutor has an ethical obligation to review all the evidence before making a charging decision. And they didn’t have access to all the evidence, including medical records, interrogation logs, and they were making charging decisions without looking at everything.”

Truer words have never been said; nowhere are the accuracy of your comments more evident than in the decision to charge Mohammed Jawad. Everyone involved in the charging decision, including the trial counsel, Lt Col Darrel Vandeveld, the former Chief Prosecutor, Col Morris Davis, the Acting Chief Prosecutor, Lt Col Will Britt, and the Legal Advisor, Brig Gen Thomas Hartmann, all have acknowledged under oath that they had no idea, at the time they recommended swearing or referral of charges, that Mr. Jawad had been subjected to abuse. Consider the following testimony from the June 19, 2008 hearing:

Q [MAJ FRAKT]: . . .[Y]ou were not aware of any allegations or evidence of detainee abuse with regard to Mr. Jawad?

A [LTC BRITT]: . . .[T]hat is true. I was not aware of any allegations of abuse, true.

Q [MAJ FRAKT]: And as a matter of personal and professional ethics, you told me that you would not forward charges against someone that you believe to have been tortured, is that correct?

A [LTC BRITT]: That’s accurate.

U.S. v. Jawad, Draft Record of Trial p. 156 (June 19, 2008)

Q [MAJ FRAKT]: And was it a factor that your office, under your leadership, would take into account whether the detainee had been subjected to abusive treatment?

A [COL DAVIS]: Yes.

Q [MAJ FRAKT]: You obviously were unaware that Mr. Jawad had been subjected to the Frequent Flyer treatment?

A [COL DAVIS]: The first that I’ve heard of that was in the last few days.

Q [MAJ FRAKT]: Had you known that, would that had been a factor that would have given you a pause in that case?

A [COL DAVIS]: Yes, I think certainly any time there are issues like that, as I said, you have to do your due diligence on a case. You can’t, you know, be finding out what the facts are in midstream. You’ve got to have close to the hundred percent solutions before you start the clock running. So that clearly would have been a pause to find out what the facts were.

U.S. v. Jawad, Draft Record of Trial p. 282 (June 19, 2008)

Q [MAJ FRAKT]: Now, obviously, you were not aware that Mr. Jawad, because no one in the prosecution knew this, had been subjected to the Frequent Flyer Sleep Deprivation Program at the time, when you were preparing a pretrial advice?

. . .

A [BG HARTMANN]: If you’re asking about the Sleep Deprivation Program, I was not aware of that at the time of the swearing of the charges or at the time of the referral package.

U.S. v. Jawad, Draft Record of Trial p. 344 (June 19, 2008)

According to Lt Col Vandeveld: “At the time of the swearing of charges we had absolutely no idea that Mr. Jawad had ever been subjected to any abusive treatment of

any kind by anyone involved in his capture and subsequent imprisonment.” (Sworn declaration in support of petition for habeas corpus, filed 12 Jan 2009, ¶ 11)

As you may recall, I attempted to bring these matters to your attention back in September, when the military judge ordered that you reconsider your earlier decision to refer charges. (See, Supplemental Pretrial Advice from Defense Counsel: U.S. v. Mohammad Jawad September 15, 2008 pp.10-11). Unfortunately, the pretrial advice from the new Legal Advisor, Mr. Chapman, gave short shrift to the defense arguments in his new pretrial advice to you. According to Mr. Chapman:

Defense counsel argues the accused was “tortured and abused” during his detention, and submits “there should be amoral and ethical bar” to prosecution for this reason. Defense counsel submitted an excerpt of a report in which the accused alleged he was physically abused at Bargram Air Base shortly after his capture. There is evidence the accused was moved from cell to cell frequently for a period of two weeks in May 2004. There is no indication that either allegation, if true, would require exclusion of evidence necessary to prove the charged offenses. The defense submission does not persuade me the accused was tortured, but it is a matter you may consider.

Legal Advisor’s Supplemental Advice Concerning Ratification of Referral Decision. (September 22, 2008).

As we now know, the Legal Advisor’s Pretrial Advice has been proven deficient and false in a number of respects. First, Judge Henley ruled that Mr. Jawad was tortured. Second, he suppressed the only self-incriminating statements that Mr. Jawad ever made. These statements formed the primary basis for your referral decision. According to the summary of the evidence in the pretrial advice: “During the ensuing interrogation, the accused admitted that he committed the attack, he specifically targeted Americans, he acted alone, he was proud of what he had done, and he would do it again. He adopted a confession written for him by a local police officer by affixing his thumbprint to it.” Undoubtedly, Mr. Chapman was simply reiterating information that was provided to him by OMC-P. Unfortunately, they gave him false information. Just three days after Mr. Chapman wrote this advice to you, the new lead trial counsel, Lt Col Doug Stevenson, disavowed the written confession before the commissions:

DC [MAJ FRAKT]: . ..[W]hat we have been advised is that it’s considered to be a written confession of Mr. Jawad with his thumbprint on it. . . .

MJ [COL HENLEY]: And you’re asking whether the government is going to introduce that document?

DC [MAJ FRAKT]: It was on their intent–statement of intent to offer exhibits, but then they didn’t ask this witness about it. So I wasn’t sure if they changed their plans.

MJ [COL HENLEY]: Colonel Stevenson, can you speak to that point? . . .Well, the specific question from me is, do you intend to introduce a purported confession of Mr. Jawad?

TC [LT COL STEVENSON]: Here, in this proceeding?

MJ [COL HENLEY]: Written confession.

TC [LT COL STEVENSON]: No, sir.

MJ [COL HENLEY]: In this proceeding or at trial. . . that would be part of the motion to exclude statements of the accused; a written document purportedly confessing to the crime?

TC [LT COL STEVENSON]:. . .Sir, it’s our understanding that this purported statement was taken down by Mr. M in a language that is not the accused’s primary language, nor do we believe that it’s a language that the accused speaks at all. So we believe these are more agents’ notes. So we don’t intend to offer it as a statement. It’s not even in his language.

As to the assertion that Mr. Jawad “adopted the confession” Judge Henley ruled that any admissions made by Mr. Jawad to the Afghan authorities (“The Accused subsequently admitted to throwing a grenade into the vehicle, he was happy if it caused the Americans to die and he would do it again.”) were obtained by torture.

During the interrogation, someone told the Accused, “You will be killed if you do not confess to the grenade attack,” and, “We will arrest your family and kill them if you do not confess,” or words to that effect.”

While the torture threshold is admittedly high, it is met in this case. The Military Commission concludes that the Accused’s statements to the Afghan authorities were obtained by physical intimidation and threats of death which, under the circumstances, constitute torture within the meaning of MCRE 304.

Ruling D-022, October 28, 2008

Judge Henley also suppressed the self-incriminating statements allegedly made by Mr. Jawad to U.S. interrogators later that evening. The self-incriminating statements are the heart of the government’s case. According to the sworn declaration of former lead prosecutor Lt Col Vandeveld: “Without these confessions, there is simply no possibility of a conviction.” The only other evidence in the case is the conflicting and ever-changing testimony of some Afghan police officials of highly questionable reliability. The crime was never investigated. Thus, although the grenade attack occurred in broad daylight in a crowded public square, there is not a single civilian eyewitness. My co-counsel, Major Eric Montalvo, recently travelled to Afghanistan to investigate the crime, for the first time, six years after the fact. He was able to track down one of two persons alleged by the government to be an eyewitness to the attack. According to an unsigned two paragraph summary of interview the defense was provided, he had personally observed Mr. Jawad throw the hand-grenade. However, when he spoke to Major Montalvo, this individual, an Afghan policemen who was incorrectly identified in the interrogation report as an Afghan soldier, denied ever making such a statement and was quite adamant that he did not see who threw the grenade, that multiple people were arrested and that he did not know who was responsible for the attack. He also accused the government’s principal witness of being dishonest and unreliable. We would be happy to share our transcript of the recorded interview of this individual with you if you are interested.

The other glaring error in the Pretrial Advice was the Legal Advisor’s continued assertion of the discredited legal theory regarding the government’s theory of murder in violation of the law of war:

Defense counsel asserts. . .that an attack on U.S. forces by an “unprivileged belligerent” is not a violation of the law of war.

The charge of “Attempted Murder in Violation of the Law of War . . . is a violation of the law of the war because the accused was not a lawful enemy combatant and because the conduct occurred in the context of and in connection with an armed conflict.

Of course, this theory of unlawful combatancy as a war crime had already been rejected by Judge Allred in the trial of U.S. v. Hamdan the previous month. Two days after Mr. Chapman’s advice to you, Judge Henley also rejected the government’s theory:

Proof the Accused is an unlawful enemy combatant, by itself, is insufficient to establish that the attempted murders in this case were in violation of the law of war. The government has not cited any persuasive authority for the proposition that acting as an unlawful enemy combatant, by itself, is a violation of the laws of war

Ruling D-007, September 24, 2008.

The government filed a motion for reconsideration of this ruling, citing additional authority. In their motion, they made the following remarkable admission:

Finally, the Prosecution is obliged to make one last point-and does so with all due respect and candor to this Commission. Under the military judge’s current construction ofthe M.C.A., the evidence the government intends to offer at trial will not establish the requirement of the “in violation of the law of war” element as the military judge construes it.

D-007 Government Reply to Defense Response to Motion for Reconsideration (October 21, 2008).

The government’s reconsideration motion was decisively rejected by the commission:

The Government’s additional legal precedent and argument submitted in support of its request for reconsideration is unpersuasive.

Ruling D-007 Motion for Reconsideration October 29, 2008.

After this ruling, I wrote to the Chief Prosecutor and requested that he initiate a voluntary dismissal of charges, consistent with his ethical obligation to not pursue charges for which evidence is lacking. He flatly refused. According to Lt Col Vandeveld’s declaration:

[T]he government conceded in writing that it had no evidence to prove a violation of the law of war; it seems a manifest violation of the rules of professional responsibility to continue to advocate for an outcome so decisively rejected and frivolous in the extreme. Long before these concessions, I thoroughly researched other potential theories to support the exercise of jurisdiction over Mr. Jawad, such as perfidy – a separate crime under the law of war and in the MCA ‐‐ and simply could not make a good faith argument for any other law of war violation.

The government tried, once again, to advance the theory of unlawful combatancy as a violation of the law of war in U.S. v. al Bahlul, in proposed findings instructions filed to the commissions. You will recall that, at Mr. al Bahlul’s request, I did not defend him in his trial and submitted no motions on his behalf (I was the sole defense counsel). Remarkably, Judge Gregory, sua sponte, rejected the government’s theory and crafted instructions based on Judge Henley’s ruling in the Jawad case.

I have requested the Chief Prosecutor to bring these matters to your attention and I have requested the Legal Advisor correct or supplement his advice to you and correct the numerous errors therein. Both have refused. They also apparently advised you to refuse to meet personally with me, despite my numerous requests to do so. It is apparent to me that you have been ill-served by your Legal Advisors and the Chief Prosecutor and they have prevented your from exercising your own independent judgment. You may recall that when Judge Henley ordered you to reconsider your referral decision in U.S. v. Jawad, he ordered the Legal Advisor not to interfere:

[T]o afford the accused the opportunity to present relevant extenuating and mitigating factors, the Commission orders that any defense matters will be forwarded to the Convening Authority for consideration not later than 15 September 2008. The Legal Advisor will not supplement his original pretrial advice.

Ruling D-004 (August 14, 2008). What you may not realize is that OMC-P subsequently filed a motion in which they asserted, in essence, that you were incapable of making a decision without the Legal Advisor’s advice:

[T]he Military Judge’s direction to the Convening Authority to “ratify” her pretrial advice or take other appropriate action requires further guidance so that the Convening Authority can execute the Commission’s order. Although the incumbent Convening Authority is a lawyer, the Commission no doubt recognizes that a lawyer in a decision-making capacity might not also be her own best counsel; the Military Judge’s disqualification of the Legal Advisor leaves the Convening Authority without the ability to seek the advice of others in her own office. . .[T]he Convening Authority should be permitted to seek legal advice.

Government’s Motion to Reconsider Ruling on Motion to Dismiss-Unlawful Influence D-004 (September 9, 2008). Based on the government’s claim of your impaired decision-making capacity, the military judge amended his ruling to allow supplemental pretrial advice. As the foregoing has demonstrated, the inaccurate and misleading advice you were then given led you to make a decision that was contrary to your core beliefs and your commitment to the rule of law.

There is one additional matter which I feel needs to be brought to your attention. In December, you were advised by the Legal Advisor to select members for new court panels. You then re-referred all previously referred charges to these new panels. Unfortunately, the memorandum and other paperwork that your staff prepared for you to sign had the effect of withdrawing and re-referring the charges completely, effectively restarting the cases over at the pre-arraignment stage. It is unclear to me whether you personally intended to withdraw and re-refer charges or simply change panel members, but the withdrawal and re-referral of charges eleven months after the original referral is problematic, particularly after the government has suffered so many setbacks in the case. Regardless of your intent, there is another significant problem with the new referral. The charge sheet that you re-referred dated 8 January 2009 included two charges. However, there is only one charge remaining under the original charges referred on 30 January 2008. On 19 June 2008, pursuant to motion D-006 “Defense Motion to Dismiss Charge II and its Specifications for Multiplicity and Unreasonable Multiplication of Charges,” the Military Commission dismissed Charge II and its three specifications alleging Intentional Infliction of Serious Bodily Injury with prejudice.1 Obviously, the referral of dismissed charges casts significant doubt on the validity of the referral action.

In your interview, you noted the reality that the military commission probably will not be able to proceed. You also acknowledged that mistakes were made and that someone should take responsibility for it. There is no reason to wait for the next administration to start correcting the mistakes and taking responsibility. The charges against Mr. Jawad never should have been brought and the case has now become a national embarrassment. The New York Times recently wrote in an editorial (“The Price of Our Good Name,” November 23, 2008) that “the Jawad case has become emblematic of everything that is wrong with Guantánamo Bay.” While the charges may have been sworn and referred in good faith, they were done so based on a mistaken belief that he had not been abused and misperceptions about the strength of the evidence coupled with reliance on an invalid legal theory. Now that the many flaws and missteps in the case have been exposed, there is no longer a good faith basis to continue this misguided prosecution. Mr. Jawad is not a war criminal and he is not a terrorist. As Lt Col Vandeveld said so poignantly in his declaration, he represents no danger to the United States. If the government disagrees about this last point, the proper forum to make that forum to make that argument is in response to the habeas corpus petition filed yesterday in U.S. District Court. I urge you in the strongest possible terms to put an end to this prosecution once and for all. Dismiss the charges against MKr. Jawad, with predjudice, today. Thank you in advance for doing the right thing and for your service to our country.

1 The military judge granted the defense motion D-006 orally on the record. U.S. v. Jawad, Record of Trial, p. 411 (June 19, 2008) (Exhibit 5) The ruling was not reduced to writing.

Very Respecfully,

David J. R. Frakt, USAFR
Defense Counsel

January 14th, 2009

Ex-Guantanamo prosecutor describes military commissions farce

More from the Washington Post on the collapse of the military commissions farce. The former prosecutor in the Jawad case files a declaration for the defense. Meanwhile, the prosecution seems to accidentally dropped all the pending cases, meaning they may have to start over at square one:

Evidence in Terror Cases Said to Be in Chaos
Military Officials Reject Ex-Prosecutor’s Charges

By Peter Finn

A former military prosecutor said in a declaration filed in federal court yesterday that the system of handling evidence against detainees at Guantanamo Bay is so chaotic that it is impossible to prepare a fair and successful prosecution.

Darrel Vandeveld, a former lieutenant colonel in the Army Reserve, filed the declaration in support of a petition seeking the release of Mohammed Jawad, an Afghan who has been held at the military prison in Cuba for six years. Jawad was a juvenile when he was detained in Kabul in 2002 after a grenade attack that severely wounded two U.S. Special Forces soldiers and their interpreter.

Vandeveld, who has served in Iraq and Afghanistan, was the lead prosecutor against Jawad until he asked to be relieved of his duties last year, citing a crisis of conscience. He said the case has been riddled with problems, including alleged physical and psychological abuse of Jawad by Afghan police and the U.S. military, as well as reliance on evidence that was later found to be missing, false or unreliable.

Vandeveld said in a phone interview that the “complete lack of organization” has affected nearly all cases at Guantanamo Bay. The evidence is often so disorganized, he said, “it was like a stash of documents found in a village in a raid and just put on a plane to the U.S. Not even rudimentary organization by date or name.”

Vandeveld was assigned to the military prosecutor’s office at Guantanamo Bay in May 2007, shortly before Jawad was charged. Vandeveld, who as a civilian serves as a senior deputy attorney general in Pennsylvania, said he was shocked by the “state of disarray” as he began to gather material for Jawad’s case file.

He said the evidence was scattered throughout databases, in desk drawers, in vaguely labeled containers or “simply piled on the tops of desks” of departed prosecutors.

“I further discovered that most physical evidence that had been collected had either disappeared” or had been stored in unknown locations, he said.

Military officials rejected the accusations.

“I am happy to respond under oath to any of the allegations,” Col. Lawrence Morris, chief military prosecutor, said in an e-mailed statement. Vandeveld, he said, “was disappointed when I did not choose him to become a team leader, and he asked to resign shortly thereafter, never having raised an ethical concern during the 9 months I supervised him. I relied on his representations to me about Jawad and other cases I entrusted to him (which included his advocacy of a 40-year sentence for Mr. Jawad the week before he departed).”

“My response is I wouldn’t believe a word he says,” Vandeveld said last night.

Military defense lawyers also said yesterday that the Office of Military Commissions may have accidentally withdrawn the charges against all defendants at Guantanamo Bay facing trial, including Jawad and even Khalid Sheik Mohammed, the operational mastermind of the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks.

Defense lawyers said the Office of Military Commissions, while creating new jury panels, took the additional step of re-referring all charges, which, they said, would return all cases to square one and require new arraignments.

“This was a royal screw-up,” said Air Force Reserve Maj. David Frakt, Jawad’s military attorney. Another military lawyer, Navy Lt. Cmdr. Brian Mizer, expressing disbelief at the action, said, “This is military justice 101.”

A military judge at Guantanamo Bay has asked lawyers in the case of Canadian Omar Khadr, who is about to go on trial, to brief him on the matter.

“If, in fact, the charges referred on 24 April 2007 have been withdrawn and re-referred on 17 December 2008, it appears the first order of business at the Commission session scheduled for 19 January 2009 is to arraign Mr Khadr on the newly referred charges,” Judge Patrick J. Parrish wrote in an e-mail to counsel.

Pentagon officials called the legal move “simply an administrative action to update commission panels.”

“In some cases, the defense is challenging the way the substitutions were made,” according to a statement by the Office of Military Commissions. “The military judges have ordered briefs on this issue. Depending upon how the judges rule, the government will be prepared to respond.”

In his declaration, Vandeveld said Afghan police had made Jawad place his thumbprint on a statement written in Farsi, a language that the defendant, who is functionally illiterate, does not speak. To extract an admission, and before he was turned over to U.S. forces, the Afghans allegedly threatened to kill Jawad and his family, Vandeveld said in the declaration.

Later, Jawad also made a statement to U.S. interrogators, which was recorded, Vandeveld said. But despite an extensive search, Vandeveld said, he was not able to obtain the videotape.

A military judge last year threw out Jawad’s statement to U.S. forces, saying it was tainted as a result of his treatment at the hands of the Afghans. The government the appealed decision, and the U.S. Court of Military Commission Review heard arguments on the matter yesterday. A decision is expected within 30 days.

Vandeveld and Jawad’s attorneys have catalogued a pattern of abuse in the case, including an incident in June in which Jawad was said to have been “beaten, kicked and pepper-sprayed while he was on the ground with his feet and hands in shackles, for allegedly not complying with guards’ instructions,” according to a filing in federal court.

January 14th, 2009

Why does the American Psychological Association have a torture-participant as a member?

My, oh my! Now that the Bush regime is on its way out, the woman  in charge of convening the military commissions at Guantanamo has finally discovered torture! She’s also discovered that the system she’s served faithfully is broken.

In an interview with the Washington Post, Susan G. Crawford now admits that Mohammed al-Qahtani, Guantanamo prisoner 063, was “tortured.”:

“We tortured [Mohammed al-]Qahtani,” said Susan J. Crawford, in her first interview since being named convening authority of military commissions by Defense Secretary Robert M. Gates in February 2007. “His treatment met the legal definition of torture. And that’s why I did not refer the case” for prosecution.

This after years where Defense Department investigation after investigation concluded that al-Qahtani’s treatment, while not one of the military’s greatest moments,  certainly wasn’t “torture.” This after every leader, from the President on down, insisted that “The United States does not torture.”

“The United States does not torture. It’s against our laws, and it’s against our values,” Bush asserted on Sept. 6, 2006, when 14 high-value detainees were transferred to Guantanamo from secret CIA prisons. And in a interview last week with the Weekly Standard, Cheney said, “And I think on the left wing of the Democratic Party, there are some people who believe that we really tortured.”

It is important also to remember that psychologist Maj. John Leso helped plan and actively participated in the torture of al-Qhatani. The interrogation log reports that he was present for a number of sessions. Psychologist Michael Gellesof the Navy’s Criminal Investigation Service,  told Phillipe Sands. author of The Torture Team, that Leso helped design the interrogation plan.

The American Psychological Association [APA] has had several complaints on this since 2006 (though they managed to “lose” a number of complaints against him.) In all this time, they have done nothing. The case is still open and Leso is still a member in good standing.

The psychologist who followed Leso at Guantanamo, Col. Larry James, vociferously defends Leso and insists that he did nothing wrong in Fixing Hell,  his fanciful account of his Guantanmo experience. While James was at Guantanamo, a standard operating procedure [SOP] was put into effect that mandated isolation “to enhance and exploit the disorientation and disorganization felt by a newly arrived detainee in the interrogation process”  for all new detainees. James has never expressed any concern over this policy. Col. James is now President-elect of the APA’s Division of Military Psychology and has received awards and honors from other APA divisions since the link between him and the Guantanamo SOP was revealed.

Evidently the APA still believes that psychologists who aided or abetted torture make good members and that those who defend those psychologists should be honored. Perhaps, with the passing of the Bush administration the APA will suddenly see the light and take action against Leso and James. Perhaps those who participated in or apologized for torture will see the error of their ways. But I won’t hold my breathe.

Here is the Washington Post article:

Detainee Tortured, Says U.S. Official
Trial Overseer Cites ‘Abusive’ Methods Against 9/11 Suspect

By Bob Woodward

The top Bush administration official in charge of deciding whether to bring Guantanamo Bay detainees to trial has concluded that the U.S. military tortured a Saudi national who allegedly planned to participate in the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks, interrogating him with techniques that included sustained isolation, sleep deprivation, nudity and prolonged exposure to cold, leaving him in a “life-threatening condition.”

“We tortured [Mohammed al-]Qahtani,” said Susan J. Crawford, in her first interview since being named convening authority of military commissions by Defense Secretary Robert M. Gates in February 2007. “His treatment met the legal definition of torture. And that’s why I did not refer the case” for prosecution.

Crawford, a retired judge who served as general counsel for the Army during the Reagan administration and as Pentagon inspector general when Dick Cheney was secretary of defense, is the first senior Bush administration official responsible for reviewing practices at Guantanamo to publicly state that a detainee was tortured.

Crawford, 61, said the combination of the interrogation techniques, their duration and the impact on Qahtani’s health led to her conclusion. “The techniques they used were all authorized, but the manner in which they applied them was overly aggressive and too persistent. . . . You think of torture, you think of some horrendous physical act done to an individual. This was not any one particular act; this was just a combination of things that had a medical impact on him, that hurt his health. It was abusive and uncalled for. And coercive. Clearly coercive. It was that medical impact that pushed me over the edge” to call it torture, she said.

Military prosecutors said in November that they would seek to refile charges against Qahtani, 30, based on subsequent interrogations that did not employ harsh techniques. But Crawford, who dismissed war crimes charges against him in May 2008, said in the interview that she would not allow the prosecution to go forward.

Qahtani was denied entry into the United States a month before the Sept. 11 attacks and was allegedly planning to be the plot’s 20th hijacker. He was later captured in Afghanistan and transported to Guantanamo in January 2002. His interrogation took place over 50 days from November 2002 to January 2003, though he was held in isolation until April 2003.

“For 160 days his only contact was with the interrogators,” said Crawford, who personally reviewed Qahtani’s interrogation records and other military documents. “Forty-eight of 54 consecutive days of 18-to-20-hour interrogations. Standing naked in front of a female agent. Subject to strip searches. And insults to his mother and sister.”

At one point he was threatened with a military working dog named Zeus, according to a military report. Qahtani “was forced to wear a woman’s bra and had a thong placed on his head during the course of his interrogation” and “was told that his mother and sister were whores.” With a leash tied to his chains, he was led around the room “and forced to perform a series of dog tricks,” the report shows.

The interrogation, portions of which have been previously described by other news organizations, including The Washington Post, was so intense that Qahtani had to be hospitalized twice at Guantanamo with bradycardia, a condition in which the heart rate falls below 60 beats a minute and which in extreme cases can lead to heart failure and death. At one point Qahtani’s heart rate dropped to 35 beats per minute, the record shows.

The Qahtani case underscores the challenges facing the incoming Obama administration as it seeks to close the controversial detention facility at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, including the dilemmas posed by individuals considered too dangerous to release but whose legal status is uncertain. FBI “clean teams,” which gather evidence without using information gained during controversial interrogations, have established that Qahtani intended to join the 2001 hijackers. Mohamed Atta, the plot’s leader, who died steering American Airlines Flight 11 into the World Trade Center, went to the Orlando airport to meet Qahtani on Aug. 4, 2001, but the young Saudi was denied entry by a suspicious immigration inspector.

“There’s no doubt in my mind he would’ve been on one of those planes had he gained access to the country in August 2001,” Crawford said of Qahtani, who remains detained at Guantanamo. “He’s a muscle hijacker. . . . He’s a very dangerous man. What do you do with him now if you don’t charge him and try him? I would be hesitant to say, ‘Let him go.’ ”

That, she said, is a decision that President-elect Barack Obama will have to make. Obama repeated Sunday that he intends to close the Guantanamo center but acknowledged the challenges involved. “It is more difficult than I think a lot of people realize,” Obama said on ABC’s “This Week,” “and we are going to get it done, but part of the challenge that you have is that you have a bunch of folks that have been detained, many of whom may be very dangerous, who have not been put on trial or have not gone through some adjudication. And some of the evidence against them may be tainted, even though it’s true.”

President Bush and Vice President Cheney have said that interrogations never involved torture. “The United States does not torture. It’s against our laws, and it’s against our values,” Bush asserted on Sept. 6, 2006, when 14 high-value detainees were transferred to Guantanamo from secret CIA prisons. And in a interview last week with the Weekly Standard, Cheney said, “And I think on the left wing of the Democratic Party, there are some people who believe that we really tortured.”

“I sympathize with the intelligence gatherers in those days after 9/11, not knowing what was coming next and trying to gain information to keep us safe,” said Crawford, a lifelong Republican. “But there still has to be a line that we should not cross. And unfortunately what this has done, I think, has tainted everything going forward.”

“The Department has always taken allegations of abuse seriously,” Pentagon spokesman Geoff Morrell said in an e-mail. “We have conducted more than a dozen investigations and reviews of our detention operations, including specifically the interrogation of Mohammed Al Qahtani, the alleged 20th hijacker. They concluded the interrogation methods used at GTMO, including the special techniques used on Qahtani in 2002, were lawful. However, subsequent to those reviews, the Department adopted new and more restrictive policies and procedures for interrogation and detention operations. Some of the aggressive questioning techniques used on Al Qahtani, although permissible at the time, are no longer allowed in the updated Army field manual.”

After the Supreme Court ruled in the 2006 Hamdan v. Rumsfeld case that the original military commission system for Guantanamo Bay violated the Constitution and the Geneva Conventions, Congress rewrote the rules and passed the Military Commissions Act, creating a new structure for trials by commissions. The act bans torture but permits “coercive” testimony.

Crawford said she believes that coerced testimony should not be allowed. “You don’t allow it in a regular court,” said Crawford, who served as a judge of the United States Court of Appeals for the Armed Forces from 1991 to 2006.

Under the act, Crawford is a neutral official overseeing charges, trials and sentencing, with ultimate decision-making power over all cases coming before the military commissions.

In May 2008, Crawford ordered the war-crimes charges against Qahtani dropped but did not state publicly that the harsh interrogations were the reason. “It did shock me,” Crawford said. “I was upset by it. I was embarrassed by it. If we tolerate this and allow it, then how can we object when our servicemen and women, or others in foreign service, are captured and subjected to the same techniques? How can we complain? Where is our moral authority to complain? Well, we may have lost it.”

The harsh techniques used against Qahtani, she said, were approved by then-Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld. “A lot of this happened on his watch,” she said. Last month, a Senate Armed Services Committee report concluded that “Rumsfeld’s authorization of aggressive interrogation techniques for use at Guantanamo Bay was a direct cause of detainee abuse there.” The committee found the interrogation techniques harsh and abusive but stopped short of calling them torture.

An aide to the former defense secretary accused the committee chairman, Carl M. Levin (D-Mich.), of pursuing a politically motivated “false narrative” that is “unencumbered by the preponderance of the facts.”

In June 2005, Time magazine obtained 83 pages of Qahtani’s interrogation log and published excerpts that showed some of the extreme abuse. The report of a military investigation released the same year concluded that Qahtani’s interrogations were “degrading and abusive.”

Crawford said she does not know whether five other detainees accused of participating in the Sept. 11 plot, including alleged mastermind Khalid Sheik Mohammed, were tortured. “I assume torture,” she said, noting that CIA Director Michael V. Hayden has said publicly that Mohammed was one of three detainees waterboarded by the CIA. Crawford declined to say whether she considers waterboarding, a technique that simulates drowning, to be torture.

The five detainees face capital murder charges, and Crawford said she let the charges go forward because the FBI satisfied her that they gathered information without using harsh techniques. She noted that Mohammed has acknowledged his Sept. 11 role in court, whereas Qahtani has recanted his self-incriminating statements to the FBI.

“There is no doubt he was tortured,” Gitanjali S. Gutierrez, Qahtani’s civilian attorney, said this week. “He has loss of concentration and memory loss, and he suffers from paranoia. . . . He wants just to get back to Saudi Arabia, get married and have a family.” She said Qahtani “adamantly denies he planned to join the 9/11 attack. . . . He has no connections to extremists.” Gutierrez said she believes Saudi Arabia has an effective rehabilitation program and Qahtani ought to be returned there.

When she came in as convening authority in 2007, Crawford said, “the prosecution was unprepared” to bring cases to trial. Even after four years working possible cases, “they were lacking in experience and judgment and leadership,” she said. “A prosecutor has an ethical obligation to review all the evidence before making a charging decision. And they didn’t have access to all the evidence, including medical records, interrogation logs, and they were making charging decisions without looking at everything.”

She noted that prosecutors are required to determine whether any evidence possessed by the government could be exculpatory; if it is, they must turn it over to defense lawyers. It took more than a year, she said — and the intervention of Deputy Defense Secretary Gordon England — to ensure they had access to all the information, much of it classified.

Crawford said detainee interrogation practices are a blot on the reputation of the United States and its military judicial system. “There’s an assumption out there that everybody was tortured. And everybody wasn’t tortured. But unfortunately perception is reality.” The system she oversees probably can’t function now, she said. “Certainly in the public’s mind, or politically speaking, and certainly in the international community” it may be forever tainted. “It may be too late.”

She said Bush was right to create a system to try unlawful enemy combatants captured in the war on terrorism. The implementation, however, was flawed, she said. “I think he hurt his own effort. . . . I think someone should acknowledge that mistakes were made and that they hurt the effort and take responsibility for it.”

“We learn as children it’s easier to ask for forgiveness than it is for permission,” Crawford said. “I think the buck stops in the Oval Office.”

******

Researchers Julie Tate and Evelyn Duffy contributed to this report.

January 14th, 2009

The Attorney General Designee Must Make A Clear Statement Against Torture

Folks, tomorrow is the day. Act now:

The Attorney General Designee  Must Make A Clear Statement Against Torture

This Thursday, January 15th, the Senate Judiciary Committee will hold a hearing to decide whether nominee Eric Holder should be confirmed as the new Attorney General. Over the last 8 years, the Bush administration has systematically dismantled some of the most important rights and protections in the U.S. Constitution. While Holder’s public statements suggest he would be a marked improvement over Alberto Gonzales and Michael Mukasey, it is critical that the American public be certain that our nation’s chief lawyer has an unwavering commitment to upholding the rule of law.

Senate Judiciary Committee members have a serious responsibility to put an end to subverting law to politics – and to ensure that President-Elect Obama appoints an Attorney General who will help him restore, protect and expand our human rights. And it is our responsibility to make our voices heard and stand against torture and other violations of human rights.

Please call the Senate Judiciary Committee members today and tell them that we need Eric Holder to make a clear statement against torture. It will only take a few minutes to urge them to ask this critical question:

Are you, unlike your predecessor, willing to acknowledge under oath what U.S. military and civilian courts have recognized for over 100 years: that waterboarding is torture and therefore criminal?

Further, is the use of prolonged isolation and sensory deprivation torture or cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment? Is it illegal and will you make that the clear policy of this country?

If so, will you fulfill your duty to ensure that justice and the rule of law apply to all by appointing a Special Prosecutor to investigate and prosecute those who have used, ordered, and authorized the use of waterboarding and other forms of torture and cruel, inhuman, and degrading treatment, including prolonged isolation and sensory deprivation?

If you are not represented by a member of the Senate Judiciary Committee, then call the committee staff directly at (202) 224-7703.

If you are a constituent of any of the following senators, please call the senators’ staffers at the numbers provided:

Patrick Leahy (D-VT) – (202) 224-7703 (SJC)

Edward Kennedy (D-MA) – (202) 224-7878 (SJC)

Herb Kohl (D-WI) – (202) 224-3406 (SJC)

Dianne Feinstein (D-CA) – (202) 228-3841

Russell Feingold (D-WI) – (202) 224-5573 (SJC)

Charles Schumer (D-NY) – (202) 224-6542

Richard Durbin (D-IL) – (202) 224-2152 (SJC)

Benjamin Cardin (D-MD) – (202) 224-4524

Sheldon Whitehouse (D-RI) – (202) 224-2921

Arlen Specter (R-PA) – (202) 224-5225 (SJC)

Orrin Hatch (R-UT) – (202) 224-5251

Charles Grassley (R-IA) – (202) 224-3744

Jon Kyl (R-AZ) – (202) 224-4521

Jeff Sessions (R-AL) – (202) 224-4124 (ask to speak with Matt Miner)

Lindsey Graham (R-SC) – (202) 224-5972

John Cornyn (R-TX) – (202) 224-2934

Sam Brownback (R-KS) – (202) 224-6521

Tom Coburn (R-OK) – (202) 224-5754

January 14th, 2009

Guantanmo defense attorney David Frakt

Rachel Maddow features Maj. David Frakt, defense attorney for Guantanamo detainee Mohhamed Jawad on the problems with the farcical trial there:

January 14th, 2009


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