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The lures of Big Pharma add to the problematic state of research

While we psychologists have been concerned about our profession’s enmeshment with the military-intelligence establishment and its corrosive effects on psychology, including our profession’s involvement in torture and detainee abuse, our psychiatric colleagues have their own scandals corrupting  their profession. In their case, as with much of medicine, it’s their involvement with Big Pharma.

Too much of research moneys in psychiatry come from Big Pharma. And too many of the professions most prominet members have deeep ties to Big Pharma. Stuidies show that drug company funded drug trials are more likely to find a drug to be effective than do those studies that are independently (often NIH) funded.

Thanks to Congress, recent attention has focussed upon the deep funding ties between a number of prominent psychiatrists, the ones who give advice of what treatments work, and the drug companies making money off of those drugs. Today’s New York Times includes an article relaying news that Charles Nemeroff of Emory University:

earned more than $2.8 million in consulting arrangements with drug makers from 2000 to 2007, failed to report at least $1.2 million of that income to his university and violated federal research rules, according to documents provided to Congressional investigators….

In one telling example, Dr. Nemeroff signed a letter dated July 15, 2004, promising Emory administrators that he would earn less than $10,000 a year from GlaxoSmithKline to comply with federal rules. But on that day, he was at the Four Seasons Resort in Jackson Hole, Wyo., earning $3,000 of what would become $170,000 in income that year from that company — 17 times the figure he had agreed on.

It seems that he has a long history of involvement in questionable financial arrangements with Big Pharma that skirted or violated ethics rules:

Dr. Nemeroff was the principal investigator for a five-year $3.9 million grant financed by the National Institute of Mental Health for which GlaxoSmithKline provided drugs.

Income of $10,000 or more from the company in any year of the grant — a threshold Dr. Nemeroff crossed in 2003, 2004, 2005 and 2006, records show — would have required Emory to inform the institutes and take steps to deal with the conflict or to remove Dr. Nemeroff as the investigator.

Repeatedly assured by Dr. Nemeroff that he had not exceeded the limit, Emory did nothing.

But his university reportedly did little or nothing when they were repeatedly confronted with Dtr. Meneroff’s violations of disclosure rules, possibly because they did not want to chance losing any of the money and other lucrative financial arrangements he was bringing in. Dr. Nemeroff apparently made clear to the university administration the benefits his corporate involbvement brought to the school:

In 2004, Emory investigated Dr. Nemeroff’s outside consulting arrangements. In a 14-page report, Emory’s conflict of interest committee detailed multiple “serious” and “significant” violations of university procedures intended to protect patients.

But the university apparently took little action against Dr. Nemeroff and made no effort to independently audit his consulting income, documents show.

Universities, too, can benefit from the fame and money the deals can bring — a point Dr. Nemeroff made in a May 2000 letter stamped “confidential” that he sent to the dean of Emory’s medical school. The letter, which was part of a record from a Congressional hearing, addressed Dr. Nemeroff’s membership on a dozen corporate advisory boards (some of the companies’ names have since changed).

“Surely you remember that Smith-Kline Beecham Pharmaceuticals donated an endowed chair to the department and that there is some reasonable likelihood that Janssen Pharmaceuticals will do so as well,” he wrote.

“In addition, Wyeth-Ayerst Pharmaceuticals has funded a Research Career Development Award program in the department, and I have asked both AstraZeneca Pharmaceuticals and Bristol-Meyers [sic] Squibb to do the same. Part of the rationale for their funding our faculty in such a manner would be my service on these boards.”

As the article makes clear, Dr. Nemeroff is hardly alone in his types of finacial entanglements:

The Congressional inquiry, led by Senator Charles E. Grassley, Republican of Iowa, is systematically asking some of the nation’s leading researchers to provide their conflict-of-interest disclosures, and Mr. Grassley is comparing those documents with records of actual payments from drug companies. The records often conflict, sometimes starkly.

“After questioning about 20 doctors and research institutions, it looks like problems with transparency are everywhere,” Mr. Grassley said. “The current system for tracking financial relationships isn’t working.”

The findings suggest that universities are all but incapable of policing their faculty’s conflicts of interest. Almost every major medical school and medical society is now reassessing its relationships with drug and device makers.

The main reason these entanglements, especially when secret, are of concern is their potential corrupting power, leading doctors to wittingly or unwittingly bias their results to make their sponsors happy.

But, as a researcher, I am concerned as well by another aspect of these reports. To be frank,  if these reports are true, Dr. Nemeroff and the other doctors caught in massive underreporting of consulting and other Big Pharma income are either (a) being dishonest when failing to report hundreds of thousands of dollars in income; (b) are being incredibly sloppy in checking facts making statements; or (c) or are carefully parsing rules to their benefit, despite their clear common sense meanings. Either of these are dangerous traits for a researcher.

Research requires seeking of the truth combined with careful attention to detail and  a critical mind that looks for potential errors of fact, of methods, or of interpretation. Dishonesty or sloppiness are incompatible with good quality research.  I know nothing about Dr. Nemeroff’s research and am not questioning its quality. It is evidently highly respected. But I certainly think it is cause for concern when we hear someone has over 850 papers and then get suggestions that he may be dishonest and/or sloppy in dealing with details.

The problem is that academia now has so many motivations for publishing certain research findings over than search for the truth. Publish or perish leads to great pressure to get “significant” findings in order to get papers accepted in journals. It further encourages publishing questionable results in order to add to one’s publication total. Taking great care to check and double check results before going public requires time, leading to a smaller number of publications on the CV. Unfortunately, I fear that the system we have now systematically rewards sloppiness and a rush to print. Add in the prospect of making millions and we have a toxic mix. Disclosure of financial conflicts — “transparency” — is a necessary beginning to deal with these problems, but it is far from adequate.

Remember, when bad research is published, we all suffer. Ineffective or dangerous treatments may hurt patients. Bad research sends other scientists down false paths, interfering with their making progress in their work. And a basic social trust that doctors and researchers in general have their patients’ and the public’s intersts at heart is essential to medicine just as trust is critical to many professions and to society as a whole. The push toward privatization in our society is also a push to erode public trust. Society can only go so far down that path without suffering serious consequences.

Add comment October 4th, 2008

APA writes President Bush: Psychologists do not belong in the illegal detention centers

In a MAJOR development today, APA President Alan Kazdin wrote President Bush to inform him of the new APA policy from the referendum passed two weeks ago:

“The effect of this new policy is to prohibit psychologists from any involvement in interrogations or any other operational procedures at detention sites that are in violation of the U.S. Constitution or international law (e.g., the Geneva Conventions and the U.N. Convention Against Torture),”

The full letter is available here.

This is a truly wonderful development! We have worked for years for this day and should all be proud. And President Kazdin deserves credit for stepping up and doing the right thing.

We have many struggles ahead of us, for investigation of the roles of psychologists in detainee abuse, for accountability, for implementing the AMA/A Psychiatric A policy removing psychologists from all detainee interrogations, and for changes within the APA to prevent a recurrence when the next crisis hits.

But today is truly a day of celebration. A few highly principled people stood up and changed history. We should be proud and the APA should be proud.

Add comment October 2nd, 2008

Carl Levin on the export of SERE techniques to Iraq

Below I reported on yesterday’s important Senate Armed Services Committee [SASC], hearing on the export of SERE techniques to Iraq. Here I’ll post Senator Carl Levin’s Opening Statement, which summarize some of the key findings from the two rounds of SASC hearings. We eagerly look forward to the completed committee report, some time before the end of the Congressional session.

Here in Senator Levin’s Statement:

In June 2008, this Committee held a hearing on the origins of aggressive interrogation techniques used against detainees in U.S. custody at Guantanamo, Abu Ghraib, and elsewhere. At that hearing, the Committee heard how techniques such as stress positions, forced nudity, and sleep deprivation – used in military Survival Evasion Resistance and Escape or “SERE” training to teach U.S. personnel to resist abusive interrogations, and based, in part, on Chinese Communist techniques used during the Korean war to elicit false confessions – were turned on their head and authorized at senior levels of our government for use in interrogations of detainees in U.S. custody. Today’s hearing will cover one way that those techniques made their way to Iraq.

While some have claimed that detainee abuses at Abu Ghraib and elsewhere were simply the result of a few bad apples acting on their own, at our June hearing we heard that as far back as December 2001, senior Department of Defense officials, including from General Counsel William J. “Jim” Haynes’s office, sought out information from the Joint Personnel Recovery Agency (JPRA), the DoD agency responsible for overseeing SERE training. We heard how, when he later reviewed a request from Guantanamo Bay (GTMO) to use techniques similar to those used in SERE training, Mr. Haynes ignored strong concerns from the military services that some of the techniques were illegal, cut short an effort by the Legal Counsel to the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff to conduct a legal and policy review of the techniques, and recommended that the Secretary of Defense approve most of them for use against detainees. In December 2002, Secretary Rumsfeld approved Mr. Haynes’s recommendation, sending the message that stripping detainees, placing them in stress positions, and using dogs to intimidate them was acceptable. Policies authorizing some of those same abusive techniques in Afghanistan and Iraq followed the Secretary’s decision. We’ll hear this morning how one military commander in Iraq sought and obtained interrogation support from JPRA, an agency whose expertise, again, is in teaching soldiers to resist abusive interrogations conducted by our enemies.

We’ll hear from Colonel Steven Kleinman, the former Director of Intelligence at the JPRA’s Personnel Recovery Academy and retired Colonel John R. Moulton II, former Commander, JPRA. Both witnesses have been cooperative with the Committee’s inquiry and I thank them for their appearance here today.

Some new information and recently declassified documents [PDF] provide further insight into the extent to which SERE resistance training techniques influenced detainee interrogations conducted by U.S. personnel and the role of senior officials in approving policies authorizing the use of those techniques against detainees.

At our June 17th hearing, we heard that the Department of Defense General Counsel’s office, led by Jim Haynes, sought advice from JPRA as far back as December 2001. Specifically, in mid-December 2001, Deputy General Counsel for Intelligence Richard Shiffrin solicited information from JPRA on detainee “exploitation.” JPRA Chief of Staff Lieutenant Colonel Daniel Baumgartner responded to Mr. Shiffrin’s call with a six page fax. An unclassified fax cover sheet addressed to Mr. Shiffrin and dated December 17, 2001 [TAB 1] states that the document provided JPRA’s “spin on exploitation” and that if the General Counsel’s office needed “experts to facilitate this process” that JPRA stood “ready to assist.” That December 2001 call from Mr. Shiffrin appears to have been JPRA’s first foray into “offensive” interrogation operations, but other efforts soon followed.

On April 16, 2002, Dr. Bruce Jessen, who was then the senior SERE psychologist at JPRA, circulated a draft “exploitation plan” to JPRA Commander Colonel Randy Moulton and other senior officials at the agency. Emails exchanged between Dr. Jessen and Colonel Moulton [TAB 2] suggest that JPRA intended to seek approval of the exploitation plan.

Also in the spring of 2002, the CIA sought approval from the National Security Council (NSC) to begin an interrogation program for high-level al-Qaida detainees. In a written response to questions I sent her in July 2008, Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice, who was then the National Security Advisor to the President, responded on September 12th that, in 2002 and 2003 there were meetings at the White House where specific CIA interrogation techniques were discussed. [TAB 3] I also asked Secretary Rice whether she attended meetings where SERE training was discussed. Secretary Rice responded that that she recalled being told that U.S. military personnel were subjected in training to “physical and psychological interrogation techniques.” Her legal advisor at the time, John Bellinger, said in his September 12th written answers to my questions that he was present in meetings at the White House or the Eisenhower Executive Office Building “at which SERE training was discussed.” [TAB 4]

Secretary Rice also wrote in her September 12th response that John Yoo, Deputy Assistant Attorney General at the Department of Justice’s Office of Legal Counsel (OLC), provided legal advice at “several” meetings that she attended and that the Department of Justice’s advice on the program “was being coordinated by Counsel to the President Alberto Gonzales.” She wrote that CIA’s interrogation program was reviewed by NSC Principals and that Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld participated in that review. Secretary Rice said that when CIA sought approval of the interrogation program she asked Director of Central Intelligence George Tenet to brief the Principals and asked Attorney General John Ashcroft to “personally advise NSC Principals whether the program was lawful.” Mr. Bellinger, her Legal Advisor, wrote that he asked CIA lawyers to seek legal advice not only from the OLC, but also from the Criminal Division of the Department of Justice, headed at the time by Michael Chertoff.

The meetings referred to by Secretary Rice and Mr. Bellinger were not meetings between low-level bureaucrats. These were the most senior officials in the United States government, advisors to the President, meeting in the White House.

Mr. Bellinger said that some of the legal analyses of proposed interrogation techniques that were prepared by the Department of Justice referred to “the psychological effects of military resistance training” and that during the 2002-2003 timeframe, he “expressed concern that the proposed CIA interrogation techniques comply with applicable U.S. law, including our international obligations.”

At our June 17th hearing, the Committee heard that in July 2002, prompted by a request from DoD General Counsel Jim Haynes, Deputy General Counsel for Intelligence Richard Shiffrin called JPRA and asked for a list of physical and psychological pressures used in SERE training. In response to that request, on July 26, 2002, JPRA provided a list of techniques that included stress positions, waterboarding, slapping, sleep disruption, and sensory deprivation. The JPRA list also made reference to a section of the JPRA manual that talks about “coercive pressures,” like treating a person like an animal. Mr. Shiffrin testified that part of the reason the General Counsel’s office sought the information was its interest in reverse-engineering the techniques for use offensively in detainee interrogations.

At that hearing we also heard that in October 2002, Major General Michael Dunlavey, the Commander at Guantanamo, requested authority to use some of the same SERE resistance training techniques that had been on the list JPRA provided to Mr. Haynes’s office in July.

The military services registered serious concerns about the legality of some of the techniques in Major General Dunlavey’s request and Rear Admiral Jane Dalton, who was the Legal Counsel to the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, testified that she initiated a broad based legal and policy review of the request. But, at Mr. Haynes’s request, her review was cut short by General Richard Myers, the Chairman of the Joint Chief of Staff. Mr. Haynes subsequently recommended that Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld approve most of the techniques in Major General Dunlavey’s request. Again, on December 2, 2002 Secretary Rumsfeld approved Mr. Haynes’s recommendation, authorizing the use of aggressive interrogation techniques at GTMO, including stress positions, instilling fear through the use of dogs, and removal of clothing.

At the June 17th hearing, we heard from then-Navy General Counsel Alberto Mora about concerns he raised in December 2002 and January 2003 with Mr. Haynes about interrogations at GTMO. We learned from John Bellinger, the NSC legal advisor, in his September 12th response to my questions, that on several occasions, Deputy Assistant Attorney General Bruce Swartz raised concerns with him about allegations of detainee abuse at GTMO. Mr. Bellinger wrote to me that he, in turn, raised these concerns “on several occasions with DoD officials.” In her September 12th response, Secretary Rice wrote that Mr. Bellinger also advised her “on a regular basis regarding concerns and issues relating to DoD detention policies and practices at Guantanamo.” She wrote that as a result she convened a “series of meetings of NSC Principals in 2002 and 2003 to discuss various issues and concerns relating to detainees in the custody of the Department of Defense.”

At our last hearing, I described how aggressive techniques authorized by the Secretary of Defense for use at GTMO made their way to Afghanistan and Iraq. Many of those same techniques were authorized by senior military commanders. For instance, on September 14, 2003 Lieutenant General Ricardo Sanchez, the Commander of Combined Joint Task Force 7 in Iraq, authorized the use of dogs, stress positions, and other aggressive techniques in interrogations.

In the summer of 2003 the Commander of a special mission unit Task Force in Iraq went further. He contacted JPRA for help with interrogations. Again, JPRA’s expertise is in training soldiers to resist abusive interrogations by enemies that refuse to follow the Geneva Conventions. In response to the Commander’s request, and with explicit approval from the U.S. Joint Forces Command, JPRA’s higher headquarters, JPRA sent an interrogation support team to Iraq. Colonel Kleinman was the team leader during that visit.

Here’s some of what we know about the Iraq trip from unclassified or declassified sources. The Task Force’s request for JPRA “interrogator support” was submitted through official channels and was approved by JFCOM on August 27, 2003. JPRA put together a three person team to support the request. On September 4, 2003, just as the JPRA team was arriving in Iraq, Lieutenant General Robert Wagner, the Deputy Commander of the U.S. Joint Forces Command, JPRA’s senior command, sent an email to Colonel Moulton, the JPRA Commander, about the trip asking, what in JPRA’s “charter places JPRA in the business of intelligence collection?” [TAB 5] Again, just a week earlier, JFCOM had approved the trip. Colonel Moulton replied to Lieutenant General Wagner’s email that “there is nothing in our charter or elsewhere that points us toward the offensive side of captivity conduct” and that JPRA was “well aware of the problems associated with crossing the Rubicon into intel collection (or anything close).”

A second email from Colonel Moulton, however, sent on September 9, 2003 to the JFCOM Director of Operations, stated that “recent history (to include discussions and training with [DIA], USSOCOM, CIA) shows that no DoD entity has a firm grasp on any comprehensive approach to strategic debriefing/interrogation. Our subject matter experts (and certain SERE psychologist) currently have the most knowledge and depth within DoD on the captivity environment and exploitation.” While Colonel Moulton’s email said that JPRA was “NOT looking to expand our involvement to active participation” he noted that JPRA’s “potential participation is predicated solely on the request of the Combatant Commander.”

A recently declassified summary of a 2005 interview with Colonel Moulton [TAB 6] and Colonel Moulton’s prepared statement for today’s hearing both describe conversations he had with Colonel Kleinman while the JPRA team was in Iraq. Colonel Moulton acknowledges telling Colonel Kleinman that the JPRA team was authorized to participate in interrogations using SERE training techniques. Colonel Moulton said he granted that authority only after seeking approval from JFCOM. Colonel Kleinman has said that he objected to the use of SERE training techniques during the trip and that he told Colonel Moulton both that those techniques were inconsistent with the Geneva Conventions and that granting authority for the team to use them was an illegal order. This morning we will hear both Colonel Moulton’s and Colonel Kleinman’s account of those conversations and events that occurred during that trip.

Towards the end of their trip, members of the JPRA team produced a draft Concept of Operations or “CONOP” for the interrogation of detainees. Emails from Captain Daniel Donovan, U.S. Joint Forces Command’s Staff Judge Advocate, reveal some of what the CONOP proposed and what JPRA thought was acceptable.

Captain Donovan, in a September 26, 2003 email to Colonel Moulton and others at JPRA [TAB 7], raised a concern that techniques proposed in the CONOP would “not be legal under the Geneva Conventions.” A few days later in an email to JFCOM leadership [TAB 8] Captain Donovan reiterated his concern stating that “a number of the ‘interrogation techniques’ suggested by JPRA in their draft CONOP are highly aggressive (such as the ‘water board’), and it probably goes without saying that if JPRA is to include such techniques in a CONOP they prepare for an operational unit in another [area of responsibility], they need to be damn sure they’re appropriate in both a legal and policy sense.” Captain Donovan added “JPRA got its list of techniques from a DOD General Counsel Working Group Report dated 6 Mar 03, so I’m sure they felt that their list might have already been ‘blessed’ by Pentagon lawyers.”

The Working Group referred to by Captain Donovan’s email had been established at Secretary Rumsfeld’s direction in January 2003. As the Committee heard at our June 17th hearing, over the strong objections of senior military lawyers, the Working Group relied on a March 14, 2003 legal opinion from the Department of Justice’s Office of Legal Counsel (OLC) written by John Yoo. The Working Group’s final report, issued on April 4, 2003, recommended several aggressive techniques including removal of clothing, prolonged standing, sleep deprivation, dietary manipulation, hooding, increasing anxiety through the use of a detainee’s aversions like dogs, and face and stomach slaps. While the final Working Group report did not mention SERE, many of the techniques it recommended were strikingly similar to techniques used in JPRA SERE training.

Captain Donovan’s email said that that the techniques approved by Secretary Rumsfeld for use at GTMO in April 2003 were not the same as those in the Working Group report and said that what the Secretary had approved was more restrictive. As we heard at our June 17th hearing, Secretary Rumsfeld’s April 2003 memo to U.S. Southern Command (SOUTHCOM), GTMO’s higher headquarters, was silent on most of the techniques in the Working Group’s report. The Secretary’s memo said that if techniques, beyond 24 that he specifically authorized, were required, SOUTHCOM should “provide a written request describing the proposed technique, recommended safeguards, and the rationale for applying it with an identified detainee.” We heard at our last hearing that one such request arrived at the Pentagon just a few months later and was approved by the Secretary.

Secretary of Defense Rumsfeld’s original December 2, 2002, authorization of aggressive interrogation techniques including stress positions, use of dogs and removing detainees clothing and his Working Group’s April 2003 recommendation of many other aggressive techniques, conveyed the message that senior officials felt that physical pressures and degrading tactics were appropriate for use during interrogations of detainees in U.S. military custody. Many of the aggressive techniques the Secretary approved in December 2002, including the three I just mentioned - stripping detainees, putting them in stress positions and using dogs to intimidate them - were used against detainees at Abu Ghraib.

But even the public disclosure of abuses at Abu Ghraib apparently did not eliminate interest in using SERE specialists to provide advice on interrogations. The Department of Defense Inspector General said in its 2006 report that it was only after a request to send a JPRA team to Afghanistan in 2004 that JFCOM finally issued guidance that the use of SERE for “‘offensive’ purposes lies outside the roles and responsibilities of JPRA.” [TAB 10]

Add comment September 26th, 2008

Senate Armed Services Committee on importing SERE techniques to Iraq

Yesterday the Senate Armed Services Committee [SASC], or rather, its Chair, Senator Carl Levin [no other members deigned to come to the hearing on US war crimes] held a hearing on the export of SERE [Survival, Evasion, Resistance, and Escape] tactics to Iraq, leading, eventually, to the atrocities at Abu Ghraib.

At the hearing they heard from Col. Steven Kleinman, an interrogator and former JPRA official [Joint Personnel Recovery Administration, the SERE parent agency] and Col. John Moulton, former JPRA Commander. They testified about Col. Kleinman’s mission to Iraq, in which he was asked to demonstrate SERE techniques. He witnessed abusive interrogations and stopped them. He was then sent back home. Col. Kleinman is one of the heros of this sordid episode.

Documents released at the hearing also contained a questionaire ansered by Secretary of State, and foemer National Security Adviser, Condoleeza Rice in which she admitted being briefed on SERE methods in the White House. She claims to have been  “that these techniques had been deemed not to cause significant physical or psychological harm.” In fact, as was clarified by th hief SERE psychologists at the June 17 SASC hearing, these techniques were deemed safe for use in training US troops, because of the combination of psychological screening, careful monitoring, ability of troops to stop at any time, and extensive multi-session debriefings afterwards. This psychologist did not claim or provide any evidence that these techniques were safe when used as interrogation techniques of captured detainees.

There are many other goodies revealed in these hearings that I am only beginning to understand.

The AP and Washington Post covered the hearings. I will here post the AP account. Then I will post Senator Levin’s Opening Statement separately. Here is the AP:

Interrogator details pre-Abu Ghraib abuses

By Pamela Hess

WASHINGTON — A military interrogation expert, Air Force Col. Steven Kleinman, told Congress on Thursday that prior to the abuses at Abu Ghraib, he witnessed interrogations of Iraqi detainees that he considers violations of the Geneva Conventions.

One interrogation was conducted by an Air Force civilian and a contractor employed by his own organization, the Joint Personnel Recovery Agency. It had sent a small team to Iraq in September 2003 to help a special forces task force improve its interrogations of stubborn prisoners. The team was asked to demonstrate an interrogation on an Iraqi prisoner. It was an unusual role for the organization, which trains soldiers how to resist interrogations, not conduct them.

Kleinman said his two colleagues forcibly stripped an Iraqi prisoner naked, shackled him and left him standing in a dank, six-foot cement cell with orders to the guards that the prisoner was not to move for 12 hours. Had the prisoner passed out, he would have hit his head on a wall, Kleinman said.

Kleinman stopped the interrogation, which had veered from his careful plan into abuse.

“Until their time in Iraq they had never seen a real world interrogation,” he said.

The men, Terrence Russell and Lenny Miller, had learned the harsh techniques working with the Survival, Evasion, Resistance and Escape (SERE) training program for U.S. forces, which conducts stressful mock interrogations to prepare soldiers to withstand and resist abusive questioning in the event they are taken prisoner. The program uses methods derived from the real-life experiences of American prisoners of war. The techniques include forced nudity, stress positions, exposure to extremes in weather and waterboarding, a form of simulated drowning.

Russell is a civilian JPRA employee involved in research and program development. Miller was a contractor who no longer works for JPRA, according to the military.

Joint Forces Command, which oversees JPRA, did not investigate Kleinman’s allegations because they were made directly to the task force in Iraq, said spokesman Capt. Dennis Moynihan.

Attempts to locate Russell and Miller independently were unsuccessful.

At the time, Kleinman called his now retired commander, Col. John Moulton II, to express concern about the harsh methods he saw being used in several interrogations. He said Moulton checked with his superiors and called him back to say the techniques had been specifically approved. Moulton later told investigators that he understood that the Pentagon’s general counsel or higher had approved the measures, and that the prisoners were considered terrorists and were not protected by the Geneva Conventions.

The Geneva Conventions, however, did apply in Iraq.

The Senate Armed Services Committee also released responses from Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice and legal counsel John Bellinger regarding their knowledge of the CIA interrogation program when Rice was the national security adviser and Bellinger was the National Security Council’s top lawyer.

She and Bellinger were also briefed on SERE interrogation methods at the White House in 2002 or 2003.

“I recall being told … that these techniques had been deemed not to cause significant physical or psychological harm,” Rice wrote.

Rice told the committee the CIA had sought NSC approval before embarking on its own harsh interrogation program in the spring of 2002. Rice said she asked then-Attorney General John Ashcroft to review its legality. The Justice Department’s Office of Legal Counsel, which advises the White House on legal matters, later determined the CIA’s program to be legal.

Rice also said Bellinger advised her regularly about “concerns and issues” relating to the Pentagon’s interrogation and detention program at Guantanamo Bay Naval Base. She said the Justice Department never discussed with her the FBI’s now documented concerns with interrogation practices at Guantanamo Bay and CIA detention facilities.

Bellinger said he knew the FBI refused to participate in some CIA interrogations, which included waterboarding for at least three detainees. He was also aware of allegations of abuse at Guantanamo in 2003.

Also Thursday, the Senate Judiciary Committee took a step closer to forcing the Justice Department to hand over secret legal memos authorizing the Bush administration to use harsh and potentially illegal interrogation techniques on detainees.

By a 10-9 vote, the committee agreed to give the chairman, Sen. Patrick Leahy, D-Vt., authority to subpoena the memos from the Office of Legal Counsel. It is now up to Leahy to decide whether to issue the subpoena, which the Justice Department likely will fight because much of the information in the memos is highly classified.

Justice spokesman Brian Roehrkasse did not answer a question about whether the department would comply with such a subpoena.

“We regret that the committee authorized the subpoena,” Roehrkasse said in a statement. “We will continue to work with them to ensure that their legitimate oversight needs are met.”

Add comment September 26th, 2008

Comments to a depressed colleague on the APA referendum

I have written this to colleagues who are depressed that the American Psychological Association is claiming that the new APA referendum is not yet in effect or enforceable as a part of the ethics code:

A couple of comments. First, please remember that we have won an ENORMOUS VICTORY! We have defeated strong forces and changed policy. The vote, at 59% was overwhelming! The headlines went out in hundreds of newspapers across the country and worldwide. the Wall Street Journal had it on its front page! I am absolutely sure that the DoD and CIA have heard us loud and clear.

While, of course, we want this in effect immediately, and believe (correctly) that it is in effect, that is secondary. Regardless of when APA sends out a few letters, WE HAVE BEEN AND ARE BEING HEARD. I believe that our actions will affect policy, though it will take a while. So PLEASE DON’T GET DEPRESSED. I’m still ecstatic! I keep on thinking “59%! We’re the overwhelming majority. We stood up to the Dark Side and triumphed.”

We have made history. This struggle will be taught for decades, like the stories of the Soviet psychiatrists who incarcerated and “treated” dissidents and the Tuskegee Syphilis Experiment. But this time, thanks to us, it won’t be a story just of professional malpractice, but of how a small band stood up for professional ethics and human rights and righted matters! When our children and grandchildren ask “What did you do in those dark days of the Bush administration,” we will look them in the eyes and proudly tell them.

I received an email from a long-time (many decades) activist and leader of a national progressive organization. She said that our victory had restored her fairth that, perhaps, the country could be changed. She wrote me again to make sure I understood that she meant every word of it. I have received a number of such emails from around the world. Our victory is being seen as a beacon of hope around the world. As I sent, the conservative commentator and blogger entitled his posting on our victory: “Know Hope!” I hope (pun intended) that gives a sense of what we have done and its importance.

Of course we want this enforceable. That will be a continuing battle. But, in the meantime, policy-makers have heard us. And vast portions of the public have heard us. That is far more important, especially given the secrecy at the detention centers, which will shield most people anyway. And military psychologists, like ther civilian colleagues, don’t want to be seen as going against the “ethics,” broadly defined, of their profession. That is true regardless of whether they can be sanctioned for it.

The biggest struggle we face is to clean up APA, to change the policies, structures, and in some cases, people, who are responsible for this debacle. We need to elect Steven Reisner President. We need to push unceasingly for a truth Commission for Psychology, and for the torture rehime broadly. And we need to fight for the referendum to be put into policy, and not just at the APA. So, fight the small battles, but keep your eyes on the prize. It is so much closer today than it was last week at this time.

Add comment September 23rd, 2008

Psychologists Reject the Dark Side

Psychologists Reject the Dark Side:
American Psychological Association Members Reject Participation in Bush Detention Centers

Stephen Soldz & Brad Olson

The movement against U.S. torture experienced a significant victory last week. The members of the American Psychological Association [APA] rejected the policies of their leadership, policies that abetted the Bush administration’s program of torture and detainee abuse. By a vote of 59%, the members passed a referendum stating that APA members may not work in U.S. detention centers that are outside of or in violation of international law or the U.S. Constitution “unless they are working directly for the persons being detained or for an independent third party working to protect human rights.” Passage of this referendum is a significant milestone in a years long effort by activist psychologists to change policies that encouraged participation in detainee interrogations because psychologists, the APA leadership claimed, helped keep those interrogations “safe, legal, and ethical.”

Since 2004, news reports and government documents have provided evidence of the central role of psychologists in designing, implementing, and disseminating the administrations’ program of abusive interrogations, whether conducted by the CIA in its secret “black sites” or by the Defense Department at Guantánamo, and in Iraq and Afghanistan. As Vanity Fair reporter Katherine Eban described the CIA side of this equation:

“I… discovered that psychologists weren’t merely complicit in America’s aggressive new interrogation regime. Psychologists, working in secrecy, had actually designed the tactics and trained interrogators in them while on contract to the C.I.A.”

On the Defense Department side, the Senate Armed Services Committee reported in June 2008 on the role of military psychologists in helping design the harsh interrogation techniques used at Guantánamo. As Senator Levin described in his opening remarks:

“a… senior CIA lawyer, Jonathan Fredman, who was chief counsel to the CIA’s CounterTerrorism Center, went to GTMO, attended a meeting of GTMO staff and discussed a memo proposing the use of aggressive interrogation techniques. That memo had been drafted by a psychologist and psychiatrist from GTMO who, a couple of weeks earlier, had attended the training given at Fort Bragg by instructors from the JPRA SERE school.

While the memo remains classified, minutes from the meeting where it was discussed are not. Those minutes (TAB 7) clearly show that the focus of the discussion was aggressive techniques for use against detainees.”

The minutes from that meeting show this psychologist and psychiatrist recommending creating an atmosphere of “controlled chaos,” which would “foster dependence and compliance,” through the creation of “psychological stress” by means of using such techniques as ” sleep deprivation, withholding food, isolation, loss of time.” This strategy was implemented and became standard operating procedure.

For example, in September 2003, young (16 or 17 year old) Mohammed Jawad became upset during interrogation, talking to pictures on the wall and crying for his mother. A military psychologist, a behavioral science consultant, was brought in for guidance. She recommended Jawad be placed in a month of “linguistic isolation” while the interrogator ratcheted up the pressure to break him down. This treatment apparently contributed to a suicide attempt by Jawad.

Evidence has accumulated of psychologists designing and contributing to detainee abuses sometimes amounting to torture. Despite the overwhelming evidence, the APA has steadfastly insisted that psychologists should not participate in torture; they argued, rather, that psychologists were vitally needed to help interrogators better obtain information while simultaneously, according to the APA, preventing detainee abuses. The APA used a multitude of techniques to defend their policy. They appointed a task force to formulate ethics policy around national security interrogations without informing the membership or the public that the majority of members were from the military-intelligence establishment. The APA passed anti-torture resolutions while rejecting attempts to withdraw psychologists from sites that violated human rights or even from the interrogations at Guantanamo and the CIA’s black sites.

The APA also ignored Open Letters from hundreds of their members. At times these efforts became ludicrous doublespeak. An APA Board member, for instance, sent around an email claiming that the very Senate Armed Services hearing that implicated military psychologists in the design of torture techniques actually exonerated the psychologists and the discipline. The association’s ethics director even claimed documents released by the ACLU showed the APA’s “policy of engagement” was working to protect detainees when the document in question apparently merely reported that one psychologist in Iraq once stopped an interrogation prior to  the detainee dying or, perhaps, suffering serious physical damage. Through it all, the APA maintained its close ties to the military-intelligence establishment.

While the APA leadership resisted all challenges to its position, the members and other psychologists  and their allies did not remain silent. Dissident members worked tirelessly to change the organizations’ position. Some worked within official association committees. During 2006-2007, members pushed a Moratorium resolution that would have temporarily halted participation in interrogations at the detention sites; the measure was undercut by APA organizational manipulations, and a derivative effort was decisively defeated by the associations’ Council of Representatives in August 2006. A number of prominent psychologists - including a former ethics committee Chair, a former Executive Director of one of the associations’ major divisions, and a former division President - resigned in protest.  New York Times bestselling author Mary Pipher returned an award to the APA. Hundreds stopped paying membership dues, aided by a policy that allowed dues withholders to remain members for two years. Colleagues in other countries expressed their disapproval  of APA policies. Physicians for Human Rights documented U.S. psychological torture and many times called for changes in APA policies permitting participation in the settings where that torture occurred.

After years of failing to effect real change through the associations’ Council of Representatives - which infrequently challenges the APA leadership on issues of vital importance to those leaders -  dissident members and allies turned in 2008 to new strategies designed simultaneously to take advantage of, and to bypass, the official structures. Members of the withholdapadues group found a never before used provision in the association by-laws allowing for a member-initiated policy referendum. Three psychologists - Dan Aalbers, Brad Olson, and Ruth Fallenbaum - got to work writing a referendum rejecting the participation of psychologists at detention centers operating outside of [as in the Geneva Conventions don't apply] or in violation of [as in enhanced interrogations are approved] international law or the Constitution. APA rules require that one percent of the active members’ signatures be obtained on a petition in order to get it submitted to the members for a vote. It took only a matter of weeks to obtain more than the necessary numbers.

The campaign generated amazing grassroots activism. People never before heard from were found emailing their successes in convincing other colleagues to vote. Several brief videos were made by members  and distributed on YouTube and Google Video. Two APA divisions lined up in support. Conversation about the referendum on psychologist-run listservs was greater than that on any other topic in memory.

The opposition raised concerns, especially among forensic psychologists; they were concerned that the language could somehow be misunderstood to ban psychologists working in domestic prisons where abuses are prevalent. This possibility was problematic for many referendum supporters. Many of those actively supporting the referendum are deeply concerned about the horrific conditions in much of the U.S. criminal justice system. Yet, it seemed impossible to tackle all issues at once, and the referendum was designed to focus only upon “national security” detainees, held in abusive conditions, with few or no rights. Thus, the referendum sponsors issued a statement that clarified the applicability of the referendum. Nevertheless, this statement failed to allay the concerns of some that the referendum could cost psychologists their jobs.

In an unprecedented development, illustrating the high stakes involved in the potential policy change, the Defense Department issued a press release with “talking points” opposing the referendum. The first two of these talking points unintentionally emphasized the need for the referendum:

“Humane treatment and ensuring detainees are not subjected to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment is required in accordance with U.S. law.

Behavioral science consultants do NOT support interrogations that aren’t in accordance with applicable law.”

U.S law, as interpreted by the present administration, redefines traditionally proscribed detention and interrogation procedures as “humane” and “legal.” Therefore, referendum supporters pointed out, this requirement to follow “applicable law” does not protect military, or CIA, psychologists from participating in abuses that would be inhumane if judged by international standards.

The referendum ballots went out by mail on August 1st and were due back on September 15th. Two days later, the results were announced. The referendum won with 59% of the vote. Furthermore, the turnout, at nearly 15,000 members, was among the highest in any APA election.

The passage of the referendum constitutes a giant step toward creating a united front of health professions opposed to detainee abuse. While the APA referendum policy differs from policy statements by other associations in significant details-its focus on settings as opposed to the interrogations themselves-it follows previous policy statements from the American Medical Association and the American Psychiatric Association opposing participation in interrogations. This united front will increase the pressure on the administration to remove health professionals from their roles aiding these abusive detention policies. It will also escalate the accumulating pressures for a radically different detention policy under the new U.S. presidential administration and Congress next January.

Referendum passage constitutes a giant step forward for those psychologists who have been fighting to change the APA’s policies on involvement in the detention centers. But the struggle of dissident psychologists is far from over. First, there is a disagreement with APA leadership as to when the policy change goes into effect; the leadership claimed initially that the bylaws state that the change doesn’t go into effect till next August, while referendum supporters believe this claim is an egregious misreading of the bylaws. Discussions continue regarding the details of referendum implementation.

Moreover, while the APA’s policy is in the process of changing, the organizational and policy conditions-the culture that allowed the APA to advocate for years in support of psychologist participation in detainee interrogations-have not changed. Activists are focused upon several additional steps to bring about a rejuvenation of their association and their professions.

There is a strong campaign afoot to elect one of the activists as APA President to make sure the new policy is firmly implemented and backed by the organization, as well as to push other efforts making human rights and social justice more central within the profession of psychology. Steven Reisner, a New York psychologist is running an active campaign. In the first nomination phase of the campaign, he received the highest number of votes among the five winning candidates. Passage of the referendum should provide an even stronger boost to his campaign. Ballots go out to the APA membership this October and are due back November 15.

APA members have been deeply disturbed by another prior action of the Association. In 2002, its ethics committee placed a clause in the ethics code, allowing laws, regulations, and government orders to override professional ethics. These members are concerned that the clause provides an offensive loophole that is a variation on the Nuremberg defense - “I was just following orders” - into the ethics code.

The APA Council of Representatives called on the ethics committee to address this problem in 2005. Despite these instructions, the association has resisted clarifying this clause by adding a phrase as simple as “except when violating fundamental human rights”. Other disturbing 2002 modifications to the APA ethics code weakened protections for research participants, such as removing a requirement for informed consent from participants “where otherwise permitted by law or federal or institutional regulations.” Such a clause could, for example, allow experimentation on detainees without their permission, a disturbing violation of professional guidelines and international agreements.

Activist psychologists and their allies also are pushing for accountability for past abuses by psychologists. While some psychologists, including APA members, have been documented to have participated in abuses likely constituting torture, the APA ethics committee has consistently stalled action against or refused to open cases against these psychologists. This needs to stop.

Another form of accountability is a ‘setting right’ of the historical record. Given the known facts regarding psychologists and their roles in detainee abuse, and given the extensive denial of these facta and their significance by APA leadership, it is critical to create a detailed public record of the contributions of psychologists to the dark side over the last seven years. It is imperative that a Psychologist Truth Commission be created that will examine all materials, existing in the public record or available through investigation, and construct such a permanent record. Also necessary is a careful examination of the many other organizational, ethical, and policy issues that allowed the psychological profession and its major professional organization to become complicit in detainee abuse over the last seven years. Clinical psychologists often encourage their clients to face harsh truths. It is similarly necessary for our profession to face these somewhat cold and difficult realities. Only this will prevent us from recreating this sad episode in our profession’s history when the next national or international crisis hits.

The implications of passage of the referendum extend beyond the APA and psychology. The referendum will put additional pressure on the DoD to remove psychologists from their roles aiding interrogations and behavior management. It will also create additional pressure for the development of a mental health system for detainees that is completely isolated from chain of command pressures. While the DoD is not necessarily bound by APA policy, it generally follows professional ethics policies; to do otherwise could make its efforts to recruit and retain psychologists and other professionals substantially more difficult. The implications for the CIA’s “enhanced interrogation” program are less certain, given the secrecy under which that program is conducted. Yet, even there, the APA referendum will increase pressure for a new administration and Congress to shut down the program.”

Finally, passage of the referendum is being heralded by the wider public as a sign of an impending rejection by U.S. citizens of the “dark side” which has taken over so much of our government and country in recent years. This feeling was expressed by the conservative commentator, anti-torture activist, and blogger Andrew Sullivan who headlined his posting on the referendum’s passage with “Know Hope.” Congratulatory emails from around the world have indicated that many find hope in our psychologist colleagues’ rejection of the dark side.  ”Finally, good news from the U.S.” one email said. These correspondents join us in hoping that this rejection of official torture and abuse will be followed by a wholesale rejection from the American public and government.

1 comment September 22nd, 2008

Steven Miles on APA referendum victory

I here promote a comment by bioethicist Steven Miles that was posted on yesterday’s statement by the Coalition for an Ethical APA on the passage of the American Psychological Association referendum:

This is an very important referendum but it is more of a turning point than a resolution.

PENS and the APA leadership and the APA-DoD partnership that created this debacle that has tarnished the reputation of psychology still stands. This vote rejects the APA leadership and the PENS process. Accordingly, the APA must also annul the PENS process and report in its entiriety.

This resolution rejected the arguments of Dr. Behnke, its ethics director. He is unfit for duty and should be discharged. This resolution rejects the premise that led APA to block complaints on identified psychologists who abused prisoners. Those complaints shoul be reopened.

Steven Miles

Add comment September 18th, 2008

Upcoming Senate Armed Services Committee on reverse-engineering SERE techniques

The Senate Armed Services Committee [SASC] has announced hearings next Thursday, September 25, on the administrations’ reverse-engineering of the SERE [Survival, Evasion, Resistance, and Escape] program into the US program of torture and abuse. Likely, as was the case with the June 17th hearings, the hearing will be watchable online via C-SPAN:

UNITED STATES SENATE

COMMITTEE ON ARMED SERVICES

Sir/Madam:

There will be a meeting of the Committee on

ARMED SERVICES

Room SD-106

Dirksen Senate Office Building

Thursday, September 25, 2008 B 9:30 a.m.

OPEN

To receive testimony on the authorization of Survival Evasion Resistance and Escape (SERE) techniques for interrogations in Iraq: Part II of the Committee’s inquiry into the treatment of detainees in U.S. custody

Witnesses:

Colonel Steven M. Kleinman, USAFR

Former Director of Intelligence, Personnel Recovery Academy

Joint Personnel Recovery Agency

Colonel John R. Moulton II, USAF (Ret.)

Former Commander

Joint Personnel Recovery Agency

Add comment September 17th, 2008

Are American Psychological Association staff interfering in the Referendum vote?

American Psychological Association members are currently voting upon a ground breaking Referendum that would pull psychologists out of US detention centers that violate international law or the Constitution. The key paragraph of the Referendum states:a

Be it resolved that psychologists may not work in settings where persons are held outside of, or in violation of, either International Law (e.g., the UN Convention Against Torture and the Geneva Conventions) or the US Constitution (where appropriate), unless they are working directly for the persons being detained or for an independent third party working to protect human rights

As Referendum voting has progressed, we have become concerned that APA staff have been intervening inappropriately, by rallying sentiment against the Referendum.

Coalition member Bryant Welch, who had worked for the APA as its Executive Director of the Practice Directorate for nearly a decade, has written APA CEO Norm Anderson expressing concern about this staff interference in the voting process. His initial letter was:

August 23, 2008

Norman Anderson, Ph.D.
CEO, American Psychological Association
750 First St. N.E
Washington, DC 20002

By Facsimile and First Class Mail

Dear Norm:

I regret we have not had any chances to talk since you became CEO. I have heard consistently from staff that you have brought kindness and concern for staff welfare to the APA.  I know they appreciate it very much.

I am writing to express my concern at the current use of APA staff and central office resources to oppose the referendum currently before the APA membership. As you may know, I have been mortified by APA’s failure to join with the other organizations in taking an unequivocal position against the Bush Administration’s detention centers. The point of this movement by our sister organizations is obviously symbolic. It is designed to send the message to the American people that a government that treats its prisoners in the inhumane ways that the Bush Administration has deserves the moral condemnation of professional organizations like the APA. This is operationalized by a blanket refusal to participate in the detention centers.

APA’s attempt to treat the matter as a nuanced issue, of course, creates the appearance of equivocation on this important issue and makes us appear to be insensitive to the real and shocking behavior that is taking place in the detention centers. The arguments advanced in support of APA’s position strike most people outside of the APA as transparent rationalizations for colluding with the military. The military’s promise to prefer psychologists over psychiatrists in DOD interrogations as a result of our position even makes us look like immoral opportunists in the context of torture and abuse. This view has been reinforced by recent attempts to defeat the referendum because of a seemingly far-fetched hypothetical impact on psychologists in public work settings. Even were these concerns correct it, again, appears to make the moral issue of torture subservient to psychologists’ economic interests.

The detention center problem is going to be exacerbated by the recent decision of a military psychologist to plead the military equivalent of the Fifth Amendment. It is now clear that we have only seen the tip of the iceberg of psychologists’ involvement in the torture problem, and we will probably soon be reading psychological reports advising interrogators on how to “break” detainees. This is a scandal that will not be erased for decades, if ever. Trying to act like these reports in this process is the act of a few renegade psychologists, especially after APA’s equivocal position on the matter, only further undermines our public image and credibility.

This brings us to the current referendum and my reason for writing to you. The referendum is now the only potential damage control still available to APA on this matter. After the election, the Bush Administration will be gone, and whether it is McCain or Obama no one will have an incentive to cover up what has taken place at Gitmo and the black sites. In all likelihood, the atrocities will be horrible, and APA’s refusal to have joined with the other professions will subject the field to even more opprobrium.  At that time, APA will be in no position to change its policy. It will be too late. We will stand exposed in the eyes of the world, and APA will be seen as complicit in what is certainly one of the most shameful chapters of US history. The positions that I believe in truth reflect longstanding organizational regression will, instead, be perceived as character flaws in psychologists themselves.

The passage of the referendum, at least, will let us say that the membership stepped in and expressed the true moral values of the field. The problem can then be honestly attributed to some flawed, but temporary, decisions that were repudiated by the members at large. It will with time, hopefully, be forgotten.

When I worked at APA it was an absolute rule that staff were not to participate in organizational political issues. After the reorganization by-laws vote, for example, a very senior staff member was advised by your predecessor to find alternative employment because he assisted in sending out a mailing in support of the reorganization plan. This principle was widely recognized in the APA.

In the current referendum campaign, it is very clear that this longstanding principle has been completely disregarded. The APA Ethics officer has been quite outspoken in opposition to the referendum and tireless in his efforts to defeat it. The director of public information and her staff have released numerous documents to the media and to the membership in support of the policy that was adopted by Council and the Board of Directors. At the recent APA Convention, five proponents of the referendum were literally followed through convention corridors to a coffee stand and their remarks surreptitiously tape recorded without their knowledge by a staff member from the APA public information office. She said it was her job to “find out what people are saying about the APA.”  In the current political climate and given the nature of the issue at hand, this is very inappropriate and, quite frankly, bizarre and chilling.

This, of course, also puts the APA governance and central office in conflict with the APA by-laws. The principle of a referendum by the membership to overturn decisions by the Board of Directors and the Council of Representatives, guaranteed by the by-laws, is obviously rendered meaningless if the membership in seeking such relief can be opposed by a Board of Directors and Council of Representatives using the full staff and financial resources of the central office. These resources belong to the members, not the Board or the governance, and they should not be used to support a position the very nature of which is being challenged by the membership. I think the logic of this position is quite clear and compelling.

It is also important to note that this apparently new policy of putting mid-level staff out front on major political issues, frustrates organizational accountability. Ms. Farberman and Dr. Behnke are presumably not the policy makers on this issue and not acting on their own initiative. While the members have a right to know who is making the decisions on this important policy, this information is nowhere to be found in APA’s pronouncements either to the public or to the membership. Since Dr. Levant and Koocher have left office, one gets the sense that there is no one home at APA on the issue except for the aforementioned APA staff members. The current APA president in the context of this dispute, for example, is alleged to have said that presidents “have no power” in APA.

Accordingly, Norm, this extraordinary effort on the part of the staff to advance a position currently in dispute within the association creates a huge “tilt” in the election process and, I believe, will justify putting aside the results of any negative vote on the referendum should that occur. Hopefully, for the good of everyone, that will not happen. Winning the referendum vote, as the current governance hopes to do, will be a terrible pyrrhic victory for the APA governance, and it will be a defeat of disastrous proportions for the profession.

I hope you will reconsider what I believe is a serious and inappropriate misallocation of APA staff and resources. I also hope you will see to it that in future APA communications mid-level staff people are not used to obscure the identities of the higher-ups that are actually making the decisions, whoever they may be at this time. The membership has a right to know who these individuals are. Most importantly, the right to petition on a policy matter is a meaningful right only if one side to the dispute is not opposed by the vast resources of the APA central office.

I doubt if the current APA inner sanctum desires advice from me at this point, but I can assure you it is well-intended and based on years of experience and training in these kinds of matters. For what it is worth, I hope the governance will stop trying to rationalize and reframe their initial decision and, instead, support the referendum. It will be a lot easier for them to make that decision now than it will be to tolerate the contempt that will be directed toward them, the APA, and the profession of psychology if the referendum is defeated. Group think rationalizations by the APA governance and staff, including attempts to scapegoat the people who oppose them (which are also so reminiscent of the Bush Administration), simply will not wash outside the APA inner sanctum.

Thank you for your consideration of this matter, Norm. I regret that our only contact since you have assumed your position has been of this nature. I don’t think either of us could have imagined that APA would ever be in this situation with respect to something like torture.

Best personal regards,

Bryant L. Welch, J.D., Ph.D.

cc. Coalition for an Ethical Psychology

Board of Directors, American Psychological Association c/o Alan Kazdin, Ph.D.

CEO Dr. Anderson replied in a letter agreeing that staff should not advocate but denying that they do so. Bryant Welch has replied to Dr. Anderson:

September 11, 2008

Norman Anderson, Ph.D.
CEO, American Psychological Association
750 First St. N.E
Washington, DC
20002

Dear Norm:

Thank you for your letter of September 2nd responding to my concerns about staff participation in the ongoing APA-wide dispute about the role of psychologists in the Bush Administration detention centers. As I understand it, we both agree that APA staff and resources should in no way be used to advance or oppose the referendum.

As I also understand it, you believe that the role of staff to date has merely been to answer questions and explain APA policy. On this, I respectfully disagree.

I think, for example, if one examines the recent statements of the public affairs office, they are unquestionably designed to convince the public that existing APA policy is sufficient to prevent psychologists from engaging in inappropriate detention center behavior. In fact, they are very artfully crafted to that end. In some APA statements, it requires considerable familiarity with the torture issue and/or very careful reading of the APA documents to understand that in spite of these extant APA policies, psychologists are still able to participate in Gitmo interrogations while being in compliance with all APA anti-torture policies.

To illustrate my point about the staff statements, on August 17, 2008 the APA Central Office sent the following to the Boston Globe in response to anti-torture leader Stephen Soldz’ op-ed in the Boston Globe on August 10.

In his recent piece (”Ending the psychological mind games on detainees,” Op-ed, Aug. 10), Stephen Soldz seriously mischaracterizes both the actions and position of the American Psychological Association regarding psychologists’ involvement in the interrogation of detainees.

In a series of resolutions dating more than 20 years, the APA has resoundingly condemned torture and the involvement of any psychologist in torture or abuse.

One year ago, the association’s governing body passed a resolution condemning the abusive interrogation techniques that Soldz mentions.

This statement is very partisan advocacy. It argues the very points that are in contention within the referendum debate, whether APA has both “resoundingly condemned torture and the involvement of any psychologist in torture or abuse.” Clearly the message is that the referendum is unnecessary. Further, it is an APA staff member making a global statement that impugns the reliability of one of the leading spokespersons for the referendum.

I have also received allegations that the APA Ethics Officer has on numerous recent occasions advanced the argument that the referendum, if passed, would jeopardize employment opportunities for psychologists in public work settings, the very argument that Dr. Resnick advanced in his con statement on the referendum vote. Given that the APA is overseeing the referendum process, as you point out, these partisan staff statements are particularly worrisome and will inevitably cast doubt on the credibility and integrity of the referendum process.

I don’t think these APA statements about APA policy are being perceived in the same manner that you perceive them, and, thus, for the good of all of us, I hope you will reconsider the position you have outlined in your letter. For example, just a week after receiving the APA staff letter, the Boston Globe took the highly unusual step of making its own editorial statement that condemned APA’s policy on torture and directly contradicted the factual rendition provided by APA staff. The perceived disingenuousness of APA’s public statements is reflecting negatively on all members of the psychology profession.

Out in the public arena APA staff attempts to stretch existing APA policy to cover the current crisis created by the Bush Administration are viewed widely as transparent cover-ups by an organization that is collaborating with this same Administration in a moral drift unprecedented in psychology’s history and maybe even in America’s history.

Finally, it is hard to reconcile your dismissing the reality of APA staff partisanship with the fact that a member of the public affairs office literally followed five of us down several long corridors to record our conversation with a journalist without even telling us she was recording it. I can assure you we were not in need of her help to answer questions about APA policy or to interpret it. I doubt very much if she did this with any opponents of the referendum, and regardless, it is absolutely bizarre and inappropriate behavior under any circumstances.

I want to emphasize that in raising these specific examples I am not suggesting that the individual staff members are to blame. Instead, it is clear this is a systemic problem. I believe it is a violation of the APA by-laws.

I realize this issue has been very difficult for all of us, but I hope we can still find some way to prevent it from doing permanent and irrevocable damage to the profession.

Sincerely yours,

Bryant L. Welch, J.D., Ph.D.

cc. Coalition for an Ethical Psychology
Board of Directors, American Psychological Association

Add comment September 12th, 2008

Alert: Amy Goodman and two Democracy Now! producers arested

The Bush administration is going out with a bang. Amy Goodman and two producers of Democracy Now!, Sharif Abdel Kouddous and Nicole Salazar, have been arrested as they tried to cover protest at the Republican National Convention. This is part of a systematic campaign to suppress freedom of speech in Minneapolis.

This is extremely serious. Amy has been charged with obstruction and the two producers are awaiting charges of felony riot. This is an obvious attempt to intimidate the press covering the massive protests at the Convention.

The vicious arrest of Amy can be seen here:

Democracy Now! has issued a statement:

Update: Democracy Now!’s Amy Goodman, Sharif Abdel Kouddous and Nicole Salazar Released After Illegal Arrest at RNC

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE

September 1, 2008

Contact: Mike Burke

UPDATE

Democracy Now!’s Amy Goodman, Sharif Abdel Kouddous and Nicole Salazar Released After Illegal Arrest at RNC

Goodman Charged with Obstruction; Felony Riot Charges Pending Against Kouddous and Salazar

ST. PAUL–Democracy Now! host Amy Goodman and producers Sharif Abdel Kouddous and Nicole Salazar have all been released from police custody in St. Paul following their illegal arrest by Minneapolis Police on Monday afternoon.

All three were violently manhandled by law enforcement officers. Abdel Kouddous was slammed against a wall and the ground, leaving his arms scraped and bloodied. He sustained other injuries to his chest and back. Salazar’s violent arrest by baton-wielding officers, during which she was slammed to the ground while yelling, “I’m Press! Press!,” resulted in her nose bleeding, as well as causing facial pain. Goodman’s arm was violently yanked by police as she was arrested.

On Tuesday, Democracy Now! will broadcast video of these arrests, as well as the broader police action. These will also be available on: www.democracynow.org

Goodman was arrested while questioning police about the unlawful detention of Kouddous and Salazar who were arrested while they carried out their journalistic duties in covering street demonstrations at the Republican National Convention. Goodman’s crime appears to have been defending her colleagues and the freedom of the press.

Ramsey County Sheriff Bob Fletcher told Democracy Now! that Kouddous and Salazar were arrested on suspicion of rioting, a felony. While the three have been released, they all still face charges stemming from their unlawful arrest. Kouddous and Salazar face pending charges of suspicion of felony riot, while Goodman has been officially charged with obstruction of a legal process and interference with a “peace officer.”

Democracy Now! forcefully rejects all of these charges as false and an attempt at intimidation of these journalists. We demand that the charges be immediately and completely dropped.

Democracy Now! stands by Goodman, Kouddous and Salazar and condemns this action by Twin Cities’ law enforcement as a clear violation of the freedom of the press and the First Amendment rights of these journalists.

During the demonstration in which the Democracy Now! team was arrested, law enforcement officers used pepper spray, rubber bullets, concussion grenades and excessive force against protesters and journalists. Several dozen demonstrators were also arrested during this action, including a photographer for the Associated Press.

Amy Goodman is one of the most well-known and well-respected journalists in the United States. She has received journalism’s top honors for her reporting and has a distinguished reputation of bravery and courage. The arrest of Goodman, Kouddous and Salazar and the subsequent criminal charges and threat of charges are a transparent attempt to intimidate journalists.

Democracy Now! is a nationally-syndicated public TV and radio program that airs on over 700 radio and TV stations across the US and the globe.

Video of Amy Goodman’s Arrest: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=oYjyvkR0bGQ

Democracy Now! will cover the arrests on today’s show.

Call the office of Mayor Chris Coleman and the Ramsey County Jail and demand the immediate dropping of all charges against Goodman, Kouddous and Salazar. These calls can be directed to: Chris Rider from Mayor Coleman’s office at 651-266-8535.

UPDATE: Amy Goodman was interviewed by the San Francisco Chronicle as she was released from jail.

3 comments September 2nd, 2008

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